Fifth International Conference on Public Management,
Policy and Development

Global Challenges and Opportunities: 

Best Practices in Public Policy and Development for the 21st Century June 18 – 22, 2005 Dakar, Senegal




Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy, and Development

Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD) Dakar, Senegal
June 18-22, 2005




Acknowledgments vi

Part One Mirror of Africa 

Babacar Diop Buuba, President of CONGAD

Abdou Salam Sall, President, Cheikh Anta Diop University of Dakar (UCAD)

Sa atou Ndiaye Diop, Minister of Culture and Of cial Historical Sites

Alioune Badiane, Director of Arts, Ministry of Culture

Part Two Health 

Peggy Valentine, Winston-Salem State University Denise Wright, Howard University
Garnett Henley, Howard University


Mary D. Clark, Governors State University

Eliada Nwosu, University of Pittsburgh

Michael Frazier, Howard University Kurt Robertson, Howard University


Part Three The Environment 

Christian W. A. Seifert, Southern University Valerie Fuchs, Michigan Technological University




Part Four 

Technology and Sustainable Development 

Thomas D. Eatmon, Jr., Southern University Ronald A. Harris, Southern University


Decentralization, Governance, and Civil Service Reform Camilla Stivers, Cleveland State University


Esi Ansah, Rutgers University

Part Five Citizenship, Democracy, Peace and Human Rights 

Jennifer Alexander, Cleveland State University

Part Six Conclusion 

Harvey L. White, University of Pittsburgh, CIMPAD General Chair 1997-2005

Part Seven Post Conference Tour 



Translation services provided by:
Professor Guy Martin, Political Sciences Department,

Winston-Salem State University, Winston-Salem, North Carolina (USA) Professor Désiré Baloubi, Applied Linguist, Shaw University, Raleigh, North Carolina (USA)


Opening Address

Babacar Diop Buuba – President of CONGAD 



It is with a feeling of deep satisfaction that I address you in my capacity as president of the Local Organization Com- mittee and the Scienti c Committee of the Conference. On behalf of the two committees, let me rst thank all of you for responding to our invitation and, on behalf of CONGAD and Senegal’s civil society, for the trust that you have placed in us.

This conference is an initiative of a network of African- American university professors and experts in public admin- istration, aware of the need for partnership among govern- ment, the private sector, and civil society. The sites chosen
for the various conferences—South Africa in 1997; Ghana
in 1999; Ethiopia in 2001; Mozambique in 2003; Senegal in 2005; and Uganda in 2007—clearly exemplify the multilingual and multicultural character of this network in support of an Africa dedicated to democracy and good governance. The wager has proven successful, thanks to the dedication and sel essness of the members of the international and local organizational committees but also due to the support of the State of Senegal in general and the President of the Republic in particular. We wish to formally express our sincere thanks and appreciation to you. We also thank the US Embassy and the US-AID Of ce for their moral, material, and nancial support. Thanks are also due to the presidents of Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD) of Dakar and of Université Gaston Berger (UGB) of Saint-Louis.

The two years of preparation for this conference have provided an opportunity to test various types of horizontal and vertical partnerships and to witness continuity and change in cooperation. Those of you who are familiar with the concept of the sixth region of Africa within the Afri- can Union—the African diaspora—can witness the cultural, economic, social, and political bridges that the descendants of the people forcibly removed from Africa are now trying to build.

The beams of these bridges were provided by members of the international committee, working hand-in-hand with the local organization committee, composed of representatives
of CONGAD, other civil society organizations, trade union congresses, the private sector, ministries, and key government departments, such as Tourism, Air Transport, Public Service, and Labor. Other cooperating agencies included the Depart- ments of Foreign Affairs, Culture and Of cial Historical Sites, African regional integration, Good Governance, Public Management, and NEPAD (the New Partnership for Africa’s Development), as well as representatives from our universities (UCAD of Dakar, UGB of Saint-Louis, National School of Administration/ENA of Dakar).

We have agreed to work on the theme “Globalization’s Challenges and Opportunities: Best Practices in Public Policy and Development for the 21st Century.” In plenary sessions moderated by eminent scholars and professionals from the public, private, and academic sectors, we shall outline the African and international context within which contending views and perspectives on peace, con ict, and cooperation will be discussed.

Our conference workshops, according to a now well- established tradition, will deal with nine key areas: health, security, trade, the environment, infrastructure, technology, management and reform, education, and human rights. With almost one hundred papers in one week, we shall have ample matter for debate and discussion, but whether our discus- sions and debates will have any impact remains to be seen. This forum will provide a unique opportunity for various partner institutions to compare notes and to share experienc- es. Such partner institutions include CONGAD, which plans to set up a center for information and documentation on development issues, and Senegal’s civil society, which, having organized a research group on public policy and another one on good governance, plus a public management section, has also created a Center for the Study of Development Policies (CEPOD), open to civil society and the private sector as well as anyone interested in the potential of public-private partner- ships (PPD).

A few questions may be relevant overall:
• To what extent does institutional proliferation

breed inef ciency?
• How can ef ciency be measured?
• What are ef ciency’s rationale and priority goals? • What is the real meaning of best practices and in

relation to what?

We can only hope that the fruits will realize the promise of the owers. The two major challenges to be confronted are shared coherence and ef cient solidarity.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

For us in Senegal, the context includes an evaluation of ve years of OMD (Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développe- ment, or Millennium Development Goals), three years of NEPAD, as well as the relaunching of ALPI (Africa Liaison Program Initiative) for cooperation between African and American NGOs and the US-AID. All these efforts raise the issue of an ef cient and effective partnership, which requires three conditions to succeed:

  • Devising a dynamic legislative and institutional framework;
  • Lifting scal constraints; and
  • Initiating institutional and programmatic solidarity
    and cooperation.
    In this light, we started to work on an idea and a proposal: Senegal, mirror image and/or picture of Africa? Our Director of Historical Sites, Hamadi Bocoum, will try
    to show how Senegal’s prehistory and history can help us to understand the origins of African civilization and human civilization. What can we learn about human evolution
    from Western Cornwall? As Rokhaya Fall Sokona will show, Cornwall was a major population nexus in the human evo- lutionary process. This view will provide us with a lively and dynamic panorama of political, economic, social, and cultural development.
    Yes, Senegal is a microcosm of an Africa that is, at one and the same time, open to outside in uences and jealous of its identity. How are multiple cultural identities re ected in Senegalese society? The rst World Congress of Black Arts attempted to answer that question in 1966, and recent meet- ings enable us to assess the progress made and to evaluate the extent of preserved or recovered archeological and historical knowledge and artifacts.
    Let us now go back to our initial project: Senegal, mirror image and/or picture of Africa? Of these two very similar perspectives, which will prevail? Our experts will no doubt provide a variety of perspectives and arguments, and the jury will give its verdict at the end of the meeting.
    We wish all of you every success in your deliberations.


Professor Abdou Salam Sall
President, Cheikh Anta Diop University of Dakar (UCAD) 



The Cheikh Anta Diop University of Dakar is extremely pleased to participate in the Fifth International Conference on Public Management and Development on the theme “Management, Policy-making and Development.” This meet- ing brings together Africans and African Americans who,
by hosting this event on African soil, wish to contribute to Africa’s development. It behooves us to con rm our shared commitment as well as to bring Africa into an ever-changing world.

Africans and Africans in the diaspora have, for centuries, shared the indignities of slavery, racism, and colonialism. Regarding Senegal, the role of the island of Gorée and the city of Saint-Louis in the Atlantic slave trade is well known. Africans and Africans in the diaspora share a common ideal of peace, tolerance, mutual respect, and mutual assistance.

To a large extent, we share a common destiny that strength- ens the special bond that unites us. As a gesture of solidarity and brotherhood, we strongly support the historic proposal of the African Union to recognize the African diaspora as Africa’s sixth region. This proposal also invites our brothers in the diaspora to actively participate in the reconstruction and renaissance of the continent so that we may nally close the circle.

In this era of globalization, a re ection on the relation- ship between the African diaspora of the United States and Africa is particularly timely. We can also de nitely assess
the place and role of the African-American diaspora vis-à-
vis other—European, Asian, Latin American—diasporas in relation to the continent. Are Africans organizing themselves to draw the maximum bene t from their diaspora in gen- eral and African Americans in particular? Herein lies the main signi cance and purpose of this conference on public management and development policies, and we await the outcome of deliberations with great anticipation.

Given its status in Senegal and Africa, the Cheikh Anta Diop University intends to be an active and central partner in reinforcing the historic link between Africans and African Americans. Africa shall develop based on its communitarian values, assisted by scienti c progress. The African diaspora
in general—and African Americans in particular—will greatly help Africa in the process of internalizing scienti c discoveries.

We also expect our colleagues to show us why and how Senegal may be considered the mirror of Africa. Undoubt- edly, our history presents a society based on tolerance, mutual understanding, and hospitality (teranga). Senegal has always been at the forefront of the struggle for the political and cultural emancipation of Africa.

To all the colloquium participants, I extend a warm wel- come to Senegal and to UCAD. I thank you for placing your trust in the University. I congratulate you, I thank you, and I wish you every success in your deliberations.



Madame Sa atou Ndiaye Diop
Minister of Culture and Of cial Historical Sites, Senegal 



First of all, I would like to thank the organizers of the Fifth International Conference on Public Management and Development Policies for choosing our country as its host, following South Africa, Ghana, Ethiopia, and Mozambique. I extend these thanks along with our warm congratulations to CONGAD and its president, whose colleagues have en- trusted him with the responsibility of chairing the Scienti c Committee as well as the National Organization Committee.

The theme or, as Professor Buuba Diop put it in his ad- dress, working hypothesis, “Senegal: Mirror Image of Africa,” should be treated with extreme caution. Indeed, anyone who is aware of the danger of narcissism will handle any re ecting surface with extra care. In his rst address to independent Senegal, President Senghor warned Senegalese citizens about the dangers of chauvinism in their relations with their Afri- can brothers and sisters. This is why I think it is preferable to reaf rm Senegal’s rm grounding in the African soil—to avoid any danger of self-centered posturing and proffering unsolicited advice and counsel.

Consequently, we must read the theme as an invitation to re ect, together, on a set of speci c historical and geo- political circumstances that have led to the emergence of a viable national entity and a stable state. In this regard, the International Conference on Public Management and De- velopment Policies in Africa should provide its participants with an opportunity to draw lessons from the Senegalese experience, conceived in its totality and all of its dimensions: cultural, political, economic, and social.

Located at the crossroads of international trade and human migrations since time immemorial, Senegal has been able to take advantage of many external in uences—some con- vergent, some divergent, some contradictory—to progressively build a speci c culture that pervades all sectors of national life. This speci cally Senegalese culture, for which the country is known and renowned, takes a variety of distinctive forms.

A culture of cooperation and integration, which trans- lates into a community feeling shared by all of the country’s ethnic groups, most of them originating in the ancient empires of Ghana and Mali, and entertaining relations based on mutual trust and con dence in spite of historical religious differences. In this connection, it might be worthwhile to explore the role of family jokes in strengthening our national identity. Our value of teranga, more than mere hospitality, implies that a foreigner is a relative who is reconnecting with his native family. At a time when everywhere in the world, transnational corporations are consolidating their domina- tion of the global economy under the guise of multicultural- ism, much can be gained from rethinking our culture in

order to make it better support emergent African entrepre- neurship.

A democratic culture, with a dynamics of social integra- tion, that provides a rm foundation for the democratic man- agement of public affairs. It results from continuing struggles initiated during the colonial era and carried over in various forms into the postcolonial period. From Blaise Diagne to Abdoulaye Wade via Lamine Guèye, Léopold Sédar Senghor, and Abdou Diouf, Senegalese democracy was built through the many sacri ces of its various actors. Today, our Senegalese democracy is characterized by Republican institutions that support a competitive, open, and active political game, a free press, and a ercely independent civil society.

An administrative culture that, as successor to the colonial state, has, from the very beginning, set up rational, effective, and ef cient management structures at the cen- tral, regional, and local levels. It has also bene ted from the expertise of well-trained public servants capable of operating at every level of the administrative hierarchy. The universally recognized competence of Senegalese civil servants in various international organizations testi es to the excellence of our bureaucracy.

A culture of creativity that, duly assimilating a variety
of cultural in uences, dates Senegalese literary and artistic creation back to the 15th century with the writings of Fulani, Soninke, or Wolof Muslim scholars. From this tradition have emerged such cultural and literary luminaries as Birago Diop, Léopold Senghor, and Cheikh Anta Diop as well as talented artists and musicians, such as Iba Ndiaye, Papa Ibra Tall, Ousmane Sembène, Youssou Ndour, Wassis Diop, Diouma Dieng Diakhaté, and Collé Ardo Sow. Senegal’s well-deserved reputation as a modern-day Olympus is based on this tradi- tion.

This strong cultural heritage places Senegal squarely at the forefront of the struggle of all African countries for the advent of an African Renaissance. It is now an acknowledged fact that no African country can develop and experience do- mestic peace and tranquility if its neighbors wallow in poverty caused by bad governance and civil wars. Keenly aware of this dilemma and true to his Pan-Africanist ideal, President Ab- doulaye Wade has initiated and supported the New Partner- ship for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in order to provide the continent with the wherewithal necessary to develop within a revamped African Union, intent upon reconnecting with its worldwide diaspora. It is not by chance that the rst meeting of African Intellectuals and the Diaspora took place in Dakar in October 2004. In the same spirit, Africa, with its dynamic youth and creativity, continues to play a global cul-




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

tural role, and that is why other major cultural events, such as the Numeric Solidarity Fund and the World Festival of Black Arts have been scheduled to take place in Senegal.

The objective is to coalesce and mobilize all the conti- nent’s energies toward the achievement of a single goal: the African Renaissance. If the Senegalese experience, as imper- fect as it is, elicits such a keen interest throughout Africa and the world, it means that it no longer belongs to the Senega- lese people alone: it constitutes Senegal’s contribution to the emergence of a new Africa. It behooves all of us to strengthen and to enrich this experience by contributing other national experiences to the reconstruction of Africa. This effort is required of us so that the mirror will stay clear enough to re ect the image of a continent that is both upright and free.

Reasserting Senegal’s interest in drawing the maximum bene t from your re ections and wishing you every success in your deliberations, I declare the Fifth International Confer- ence on Public Management and Development of cially open.


senegAl: Arts And Culture

Alioune Badiane
Director of Arts, Ministry of Culture, Senegal 



Translated by
Désiré Baloubi – Associate Professor of English and Linguistics
Department of Humanities – Shaw University, Raleigh, North Carolina, USA 

In the course of their history, the Senegalese have com- mitted themselves to building a blooming country of balance and prosperity. A few examples:

  1. Senegal is a country of teranga—an elevated form of hospitality among the Senegalese themselves and extended to their guests.
  2. Senegal is a country where dialogue prevails—in the shelter of the palaver tree, one is perpetually searching for what the wise man, Amadou Hampâté Ba, calls, “mutual understanding.”
  3. Senegal embraces freedom of speech—it has a national public radio with 3 stations; approximately 20 private radio stations; about 30 periodicals, besides the state-owned communication media; and a national news agency in addition to another 10 owned by foreigners.
  4. Senegal is ruled by law and democracy. 
    • People appreciate that the judicial bodies function properly.
    • More than 10 political parties are active in Senegal.
    • Dialogue between the ruling party and the opposition is guided by the interests of the
    • The March 2000 presidential election resulted in a
      democratic transfer of power.
  5. Senegal is a country of great spirituality. 
    • Everywhere, people, including families, respect one another and live harmoniously side-by-side, regardless of creed.
    • For 20 years, from 1960 to 1980, President Léopold Sédar Senghor, who was a Christian, led this 90% Muslim country without having to worry about any religious con ict.
    • The traditional practice of Islam, based on brotherhood, enhances the nation’s spirituality and facilitates social cohesion at the same time.
  6. Senegal has a remarkable artistic, literary, and cinematographic tradition.

• Ousmane Sembène produced the rst African

full-length feature lm, La Noire de…(Black Girl), based on his short stories, in 1966. He received
an award for his latest lm, Mooladé, at the Cannes Film Festival in 2004.

• Senegalese authors write in Arabic, French, and Senegalese languages.

• Three Senegalese writers are among the top 12 African best sellers in the 20th century: Léopold Sédar Senghor, for his poetry; Cheikh Anta Diop, for his historical and anthropological studies, including Nation Nègre et Culture (Negro/Black Nation and Culture); and Mariama Ba, for her novel Une si longue lettre (Such a Long Letter). 

• Sokhna Benga won the Grand Prize of the President in 2000 and Special Mention for the Grand Prize of Black Africa in 2001 for her novel, La Balade du Sabador. 

• In art, the giant sculptures crafted by Ousmane Sow still fascinate the world.

• In music, Youssou Ndour received a 2004 Grammy Award. Akon is indeed a Senegalese rap musician; his real name is Alioune Thiam. Doudou Ndiaye Rose has toured the world with her 100-drum symphony.

7. Sports are popular in Senegal—The brilliant football career of the Lions has overshadowed remarkable performances in other elds. Amy Mbacké won a gold medal in the 400m race in the 2001 World Championships in Edmonton, Canada. Also, the national sport shing team has been champion twice— rst in Spain in 2002, then in Dakar in 2003.

What is the rationale behind these achievements? 

The answer lies in a perceptible code of conduct that
is part of both the elders’ wisdom and the ambition of the younger generations. The Senegalese nation, through its ethnic, religious, linguistic, and professional components, conforms to a tradition of inclusion and convergence, while striving for progress and collective growth. Great trust is placed in mankind’s abilities to react to its environment and to live in the present, building on an open country with cultural creativity and a republic that regards culture as a state priority.

An Open Country with Cultural Creativity 

Senegal is located at the edge of the Atlantic Ocean. Dakar, Saint-Louis, and Gorée Island serve as entry gates into Africa. The landscape is a vast, sandy plain limited by the buttresses of Fouta-Jallon to the east and volcanic, rocky mountains to the west. The tropical sahelian climate is mild enough to attract myriad sh and birds.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

Senegalese territory was very early marked by human presence. Archeological searches have uncovered prehistoric sites with objects dating back to the lower Paleolithic period (between 350,000 and 75,000 years ago) and to the Neolithic period (3,300 and 2,300 years before our modern era). The extent and complexity of its megalithic sites, dating from the 8th century, are unique in the world.

Senegal is also an open cultural space. Professor Cheikh Anta Diop brilliantly proved the cultural and genetic relation- ship of Negro-Africans with the people of Ancient Egypt un- der the Pharaohs. He reconstructed migration routes across the continent and demonstrated the cultural unity of Black Africa.

The Senegalese can be classi ed into two major ethnic and linguistic groups: the Mandé, related to the empire of Ghana (Mandingues), and the Atlantic group. Other groups, originally from Africa and other continents, supplement the mosaic of the population of Senegal. From an ethnic stand- point, the Wolof are the majority, representing 40 percent of the population. Most Senegalese speak or understand Wolof, although other national languages are written in an of cially accepted alphabet; balance and harmony stand out as major characteristics of good relationships between neighboring groups. French is used here as an of cial language and for international communication.

Senegal is a crossroads of ideas and beliefs. Other migra- tions followed the internal ethno-linguistic movement. Al- ready in the middle of the 11th century, the Almoravides, who came from the Sahara desert, had conquered the empire of Ghana to start the process of assimilation with the kingdom of Fouta Toro. Dinis Dias, a Portuguese citizen, approached the Senegalese coast in 1444 through the island of Gorée. Slavery followed as well as the teaching of the Christian religion by mulattoes. Colonization, based on rivalry, became a reality with the building of a trading center in Saint-Louis. The history of trade in this part of the world was especially marked by a crime against humanity: the Atlantic slave trade. The island of Gorée is living evidence of it.

Senegal is an intensive cultural melting pot. The ethno- linguistic groups practice what is sometimes called funny relationships or joking cousinhood. It acts out a kind of mythic relationship, based on a master-and-servant principle, accord- ing to which the parties involved have to assist one another and, above all, cannot get angry with one another. This practice affects patronymics, lands, cities, ethno-professional groups, indigenous populations, nomads, and, of course, cousins, in the broadest sense.

A Fighting Ground for the Dignity of Blacks 

The trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonization incited black intellectuals in general and artists and writers in par- ticular to ght for the dignity of oppressed peoples. Léopold Sédar Senghor, a poet and founding member of the Negri- tude movement, assessed the weight of cultural alienation upon the dominated black people as well as the importance of culture in building future independent states. According to him, Negritude is both objective and subjective. As he claims:

Objectively, Negritude is a fact; it is a culture. It is
a collective body of economic, political, intellectual, moral, artistic, and social values . . . Subjectively, Negritude is the approval of this fact of civilization and its projection into the future, into the history
of black civilization to be continued, revived, and ful lled. Take control of the values of black civilization, freshen and fertilize them, with foreign contributions, if necessary, not only to live by and
for oneself but also to let others experience for themselves. In doing so, the Negroes are contributing their share to universal civilization.

Thus, Negritude also means rooting and opening. 

Senegal was also home to Cheikh Anta Diop, who, sharing the battle of the intellectuals of his generation for the political, cultural, economic, and social independence of the people, used the scienti c method to rewrite the counterfeit history of Africa. Bright Egypt in the Pharaohs’ time was indeed Negro. Referring speci cally to intellectuals, he warns, “For us, returning to Egypt in every eld is a necessary condi- tion to reconcile African civilizations and history, to be able to build a body of modern human sciences, and to renovate African culture. Far from being a statement in the past, tak- ing a look at ancient Egypt is the best way to anticipate the future of our culture.” As an early Pan-Africanist, he does
not fail to explain the economic and cultural rationale for a federal state of Black Africa. As Théophile Obenga argues:

Upon taking a close look at his work, one may say that Cheikh Anta Diop has written only one book, only one article, and only one page: let us not de ne being any more in the sense of African humanity

as the sum of fragmentary entities, but let African civilizations, the native languages of the continent, the surface and underground resources, the arts and humanities—in short, let all African materials be


senegAl: Arts And Culture

Alioune Badiane
Director of Arts, Ministry of Culture, Senegal 



hereafter submitted to modern African genius so that it may unfold all its human potential.

A Republic that Has Made Culture the Central Aim of the State 

Following attempts to overhaul and to reform the Sen- egalese education system, thanks especially to the June 1971 Law of Orientation, an Evaluative Conference on Educa-
tion and Training was convened to improve the system and, above all, to address human resources, cultural, social, and economic issues in the country. These three days of national consensus to break away from the colonial education system were truly historic. Clear objectives were formulated to cre- ate a new, national, democratic, and popular school with cultural, scienti c, and technological dimensions, taking
into account positive features of both our civilization and international exchange. The political will to make optimal use of, and especially to apply ef ciently, the recommenda- tions of the Evaluative Conference resulted in the creation of the National Commission for Reforming the Education and Training System (CNRF). After three years of critical think- ing on our education system, from pre-K through college, recommendations were given to the Head of State and signed into what was known as the Orientation Law of February 1991. Today, 40 percent of the national budget is dedicated to education and training.

Senegal aims to preserve cultural values through the writing of a consensual, national, cultural charter in 1983. It states:

In the past, relying on their own genius, our
societies designed economic, social, political, religious, and spiritual systems to address their concerns, their needs, and to satisfy their various aspirations. These local designs, which were highly coherent, gradually evolved to t into new
situations in the course of history. Without underestimating the real, numerous dif culties
that they had to face, such as the vagaries of nature, epidemics, and invasions, due to the weakness of their production techniques and their means of protection, they survived and developed by resolving their major problems in building united communities cultivating distinguished social, moral, and spiritual values.

Genuine heroes, wise individuals, and saints, who are members of our societies, by expressing their

deepest aspirations and their biggest hopes, have demonstrated and have been guided by values, such as honor, courage, wisdom, and dignity at the highest level, particularly during periods of decisive crises for the survival and destiny of these societies.

Today, still fresh in our collective memory, they deserve to be exalted, to be treated as references and role models for our people, and particularly for our youth, in order to triumph over dif culties and to overcome the challenges that threaten us.

Senegal thus acts as a patron in support of cultural policy. The most appropriate examples may be found in its support for artistic works that portray an original and strong Negro-African aesthetic.

Within this framework, sculpture has played a decisive role since the beginning of the 20th century. In 1906, Pablo Picasso broke with everything inherited from the Renais- sance, which ultimately led to Cubism, a new artistic style that in uenced modern art as a whole. It liberated form from the classical Western canons and learned a big lesson from masks: the expression of emotion by rhythm can truly be dis- sociated from natural appearances.

Senegalese political leaders understood the central posi- tion of culture early enough in the building of a national and Negro-African identity to ask for artistic and literary cre- ations, which support cultural landmarks. The symbols of the nation are made material; artists and writers revisit history
to scoop from it necessary resources for economic and social development. An immediate consequence is state patronage, formulated according to the principle that the President of the Republic is the First Protector of Arts and Humanities, and written into the Senegalese Constitution.

If the overall goals of cultural policy can be understood by reading between the lines indicated above, speci c objec- tives should be formulated to address the following concerns: the development of a network of cultural facilities; the development of cultural industries and businesses; a social welfare system for cultural actors; cultural education and professional training for culture-related jobs; the maintenance and dissemination of cultural heritage; the development of relationships among culture, science, and technology; and the development of exchange and cooperative initiatives.

In pursuit of such goals, the National Program for Cul- tural Development (PNDC) aims to formulate the needs in each sector and to plan and to implement cultural initiatives through a collaboration among the state, the local govern-




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

ments, and the people. Planned cultural development of the territory will seek to decentralize cultural initiatives around the regional centers for proximity-based management and maximal circulation of resources. The development of human resources will strengthen organizational capacities to meet

the great demands of the people and encourage new compe- tencies through technological advances. Support for private initiatives will include access to credit and strengthening entrepreneurial skills.

Cultural leadership in Senegal works toward the formu- lation of operative concepts, including NEPAD, the Evalua- tive Conference of Intellectuals of Africa and the Diaspora, the Fund for Numerical Solidarity, artistic and literary creation, national and local cultural initiatives, international cultural events, a network of international organizations, and a network of professional cultural actors. The Head of State’s major projects include the Museum of Black Civilizations; the Place of African Memory; the Big Theater; the Museum of Contemporary Art; and the Third World Festival of Negro Arts.

What Conclusions Should We Draw? 

If there is an area of national life in which Senegalese identity is easily recognized, at home as well as abroad, it is de nitely that of culture. As a matter of fact, the Senegalese distinguish themselves everywhere they are, thanks to their open-mindedness, their sense of exchange and dialogue, their creativity, their hospitality, their re nement, and their sense of excellence. They express these qualities in every eld at
all times, helping them to earn so many points and so much admiration. Behind them is an elevated idea of man, not only as a living being, but also as an inventive social personality, a creator of civilization value. It obliges them to be alert at all times. In this era of globalization, Senegal, through his lead- ers, is still capable of reacting to its environment and helping to preserve the sons and daughters of Africa and its diaspora from the pangs of the lonely thought. Every well-educated Senegalese knows that man is cultural by nature and natural by culture.


COllege students’ religiOus prACtiCes And risks fOr HiV/Aids

Peggy Valentine – Winston-Salem State University,
Denise Wright – Howard University, Garnett Henley – Howard University 




Religion’s effect on college students’ decision-making concerning sexual activity is not well understood. This study examined religion and church attendance practices among 614 allied health students who attended 7 Historically Black Colleges and Universi- ties (HBCUs) in the United States. We learned that the majority were sexually active (98 percent), and nearly half attended religious services on a regular basis. Christians were more likely to participate in religious services than other groups. About half of the students used condoms on a consistent basis for protection against sexually transmitted diseases, and there was no difference in condom use among those who attended religious services and those who did not. This study has implications for designing pre- vention programs to reduce the risk of HIV/STDs among college students.

As students enter college, they make choices concern- ing their sexuality and sexual activity. Some choose multiple sexual partners, others a primary partner, and some remain abstinent. Since knowledge alone does not deter risk-taking behaviors (Setumbwe, et al. 1996; Burratini, et al. 1996; Johnson, et al. 1992; Shapiro, et al. 1999; Latman & Latman 1995), some researchers are studying other factors, such as religion and its in uence on sexual activity (Beckwith & Mor- row 2005; Hollander 2003).

Review of the Literature 

College students engage in behaviors that place them at risk for HIV and sexually transmitted diseases. Researchers have reported that 80 percent of college students are sexu- ally active by their freshman year. It is further reported that less than half of college students consistently use condoms, which increases their risk for acquiring infections (Valentine, Wright, & Henley 2003).

In the United States, there is particular concern for HIV/AIDS among African Americans, who represent over half of all new HIV infections. Students at historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are particularly at risk. Their rate of infection is thought to be higher than the general population’s. For example, in an American College Health Association study of 408 southern African-American college students, 3.18 percent were diagnosed as HIV positive, compared to 2 percent of other student populations (CDC

1999; Johnson, et al. 1994). Researchers report the need for more HIV prevention programs on college campuses, espe- cially among black college students who engage in risk taking behaviors for HIV (CDC 2003).

In recent years, more faith-based organizations have become involved in HIV/AIDS intervention/prevention. Unfortunately, very little has been published on how they can in uence safer sex or abstinence or how religion and/
or church attendance might in uence sexual behaviors. A survey conducted by the National Campaign to Prevent
Teen Pregnancy (2001) determined that morals, values, and religion played an important role in students’ attitudes and decisions about sex. A similar study conducted by Beckwith and Morrow (2005) showed that spirituality was closely con- nected to more conservative attitudes about sex. A number of other studies have examined speci c religions in relation to incidence of sexual experience. For example, a study among university students in Portugal found that Catholics were
less sexually active than those who did not af liate with a particular religion. Catholic students had their rst sexual experience later than others; however, they tended not to use condoms during their rst intercourse (Guimaraes & Amaro 1996). There ndings were similar to those of Murray (2001), who found that religious commitment was associated with a later onset of sexual activity.

This study contributes to the literature on how religious beliefs and church attendance affect risks for HIV/AIDS among students who are enrolled in health professional programs at HBCUs. Since health professions students are knowledgeable about human sexuality, health promotion, and disease prevention, it would be reasonable to hypothesize that they practice less risky sexual behaviors compared to other college students.


As a component of a CDC-funded project to provide HIV training, we surveyed a total of 614 students who at- tended HBCU schools of allied health along the east and west coasts of the United States. The students completed self- report questionnaires designed to assess their sexual practices and other health-related behaviors. Self-reported measures are typically used in AIDS-related research to examine the incidence and prevalence of sexual practices and prevention interventions. Each student received a survey with a cover letter (informed consent), which described the purpose of the study and emphasized the anonymity and con dentiality of the questionnaire. Inclusion in the study was voluntary.

Acknowledgment. Funding for this project was made possible through a cooperative agreement from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

The survey consisted of 36 items, which included socio-demographic information, personal sexual practices, risk-taking behaviors, and items identifying religion, spiritual beliefs, and church attendance. The National AIDS Minor- ity Information and Education Program, located at Howard University in Washington, DC, generated the nal survey instrument and distributed the questionnaire during a CDC- sponsored HIV/STD seminar at the collaborating schools.

Descriptive statistics were calculated for all variables. The SPSS univariate and multivariate functions of the Gen- eral Linear Model were used to analyze means and for regres- sion predictions. Variance associated with mean deviations was reported as the standard error of the mean, to account for differences in group sizes. Risk analysis functions for odds ratio and relative risk were calculated with cross-tabulation and chi square tests for variables that were on a nominal or ordinal scale. Related variables were grouped using cluster and factor analyses. All procedures were performed at =.05 within the 95 percent con dence level.

Table 1. Percent and Frequency Description of Data by Ethnicity 

Categories with Percent Respondents  African Americans  Caucasians  Hispanics  Asians  Alaska
Natives/ American Indians 
Participants 63.7 (N=393) 20.3 (N=125) 2.9 (N=18) 6.5 (N=40) 1.1 (N=7) 33.3 (N=34) <.05
Attend Church
< 2 times per year
34.9 (N=135) 44.8 (N=56) 33.3 (N=6) 25.0 (N=10) 71.4 (N=5) 44.8 (N=13) .066
Used condoms 72.4 (N=247) 36.3 (N=41) 33.3 (N=5) 55.9 (N=19) 57.1 (N=4) 50.0 (N=13) <.0005
Income < $30,000 59.7 (N=218) 61.9 (N=73) 52.9 (N=9) 50.0 (N=20) 40.0 (N=2) 40.6 (N=13) <.005
Lived off campus 75.2 (N=279) 99.2 (N=121) 76.5 (N=13) 97.4 (N=37) 100.0 (N=5) 77.4 (N=24) <.0005
Graduate Students 18.3 (N=70) 32.0 (N=39) 44.4 (N=8) 10.0 (N=4) 28.6 (N=2) 15.6 (N=5) <.005
In Primary Relationship 68.4 (N=242) 82.6 (N=100) 88.2 (N=15) 84.8 (N=28) 42.9 (N=3) 82.8 (N=24) <.005
Tested for HIV 62.3 (N=245) 52.6 (N=66) 72.2 (N=13) 52.5 (N=21) 100.0 (N=7) 41.2 (N=14) <.05

COllege students’ religiOus prACtiCes And risks fOr HiV/Aids

Peggy Valentine – Winston-Salem State University,
Denise Wright – Howard University, Garnett Henley – Howard University 



Table 2. Means of continuous variable by ethnicity. Error associated with means is given as standard error of the mean to account for differences in group sizes. 

  African Americans  Caucasians  Hispanics  Asians  Alaska Natives 
Age 25.54±.34 27.54±.60 30.00±153 29.75±1.06 26.40±.93 <.0005
Age at First Sexual Encounter 16.64±.1+8 17.49±.26 16.76±.90 20.53±.54 13.71±1.7 <.0005
Mean Monogamous Sex Last 90 Days 10.36±1.3 20.55±5.6 9.33±2.6 9.75±2.6 18.00±6.6 .124
Mean Non-monogamous Sex last 90 Days 1.76±.2 1.12±.01 1.0±0.0 1.06±.01 1.00±.000 .272
Mean Total Sex Encounters last 90 Days 10.87±1.3 20.61±5.6 9.33±2.55 10.20±2.3 18.00±6.6 .160
Times HIV Tested 2.37±.14 2.57±.45 1.62±.18 2.14±.26 2.43±.37 .753


Descriptive ndings are detailed in Tables 1 and 2. Survey respondents were primarily African American (63.7 percent) and female with an average age of 26 years. The ma- jority of students were sexually active (98 percent), and most engaged in monogamous sexual activity. It should be noted that African Americans were less likely to be in monogamous relationships than whites, Hispanics, and Asians. However, they tended to use condoms more than other racial/ethnic groups. There were no signi cant differences in condom
use and religious af liation among the various racial/ethnic groups.

In terms of classi cation, most of the respondents were undergraduate students who earned less than $30,000 per year. Students who attended religious services frequently reported fewer sexual encounters than those who attended less frequently. Further, those who attended religious services regularly tended to be older at their rst sexual encounter (17.7 years vs. 16.1 years of age). As many students lived on campus as off.

The signi cant ndings also re ected that the students were primarily Protestants and Catholics. Almost half at- tended weekly religious services, and many never attended services at all. There were some gender differences, in that female students participated in religious services more than male students. There were no signi cant differences noted among racial or ethnic groups and participation in religious

services. There were no signi cant differences in religious af liation and STDs or alcohol/drug use.


Our analyses revealed ndings similar to other studies and surveys. Respondents who attended religious services on a regular basis had fewer sexual encounters and tended to be older when they had their rst sexual encounter. Similar nd- ings were reported by Shapiro, et al. (1999), Guimaraes, et al. (1996), and the Associated Press (2001).

This study documented several important points.
1. The majority of college students were sexually active,

regardless of their religious af liation or practices. 2. At least 10 percent of respondents were at risk for

HIV/AIDS, as re ected in self- reports of a history of

STD and alcohol or drug use before sex.
3. African Americans were less likely to be in a

monogamous relationship than other groups; however, they were more likely to use condoms than others.

In designing a prevention program for this group of col- lege students, it is important to recognize that because they are older, they are likely to be sexually active. Prevention programs should focus on the reduction of risk-taking behav- iors, including proper use of condoms, avoiding alcohol




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

and drug use, which may impair judgment, before sex, and abstinence. Peer interventions have proven successful in risk-reduction practices. For example, the National Associa- tion for Equal Opportunity in Higher Education (NAFEO) has peer-education programs on HBCU campuses that target youth on risk reduction. These messages from youth educa- tors are well received by youth. For schools of allied health that enroll older students, as in this study, it is important to use community networks of older peer educators to imple- ment prevention programs.

This study also addressed a myth that African Americans are more likely to engage in risk-taking behaviors than oth- ers. African-American respondents in this study were more likely to use condoms than others. While the differences are unclear, a follow up study would be of interest. Further, these respondents have the potential to serve as peer educators for other students engaging in high-risk behaviors.


COllege students’ religiOus prACtiCes And risks fOr HiV/Aids

Peggy Valentine – Winston-Salem State University,
Denise Wright – Howard University, Garnett Henley – Howard University 




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COllege students’ religiOus prACtiCes And risks fOr HiV/Aids

Peggy Valentine – Winston-Salem State University,
Denise Wright – Howard University, Garnett Henley – Howard University 



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HiV/Aids And puBliC pOliCY

Mary D. Clark – Governors State University 



The American public’s knowledge of African politics
and public policy as well as its perceptions of leadership in African countries may be based on what it reads in newspa- pers and hears on televised news and radio programs. This study examined how the US print media present the avail- ability and use of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs for HIV/AIDS in Africa. Articles published in two national newspapers, the New York Times and Washington Post, were reviewed over six months to determine how journalists frame stories on HIV/ AIDS and ARV drugs in Africa.

According to Wikipedia, ARV drugs are used to treat infection by the retrovirus HIV, which causes AIDS. Differ- ent ARV drugs are used at various stages in the HIV life-cycle, and combinations, known as Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART), work by suppressing reproduction of any mutation that conveys resistance to one of the drugs with a battery of other drugs. With rare exceptions, no individual ARV drug has been demonstrated to suppress an HIV infec- tion for long, so the standard of care is to use combinations.

ARV regimens are complex, with potentially serious side effects. Adherence poses dif culties, and nonadherence or suboptimal levels can cause viral resistance. Cost, availabil- ity, and health beliefs further reduce the use of these drugs and treatment protocols. Treatment should be offered to all patients who are exhibiting symptoms ascribed to HIV infec- tion, and their education and involvement in therapeutic decisions are critical.


A thematic analysis compared and contrasted how 2 national US newspapers framed stories on the availability in Africa of ARV drugs to treat HIV/AIDS. Articles in United Nations reports (IRIN) were included to validate the content of the newspaper articles in terms of statistics, public policy issues, and events. The results can help people in African countries and the United States understand how news about issues of availability, access, and acceptance of ARV drugs to treat HIV/AIDS in Africa was presented by the three publica- tions.

Review of the Literature on Framing 

Iyengar (1991) de nes the concept of framing as “subtle alterations in the statement or presentation of judgment and choice problems, and the term ‘framing effect’ refers to changes in decision outcomes resulting from these altera- tions” (11). Researchers de ne frames in a variety of ways, some in terms of their effects on the audience, and others focusing on what a frame is. Framing, according to Entman

(1993), “calls attention to some aspect of reality while obscur- ing other elements, which might lead the audience to have different reactions” (55). The way a problem is framed may determine how people understand and evaluate it. He also argues that public opinion can be in uenced substantially by the slant of a news story. According to Gitlin (cited in Mc- Combs, Weaver, & Shaw 1997), “Media frames are persistent patterns of cognition, interpretation, and presentation, of selection, emphasis and exclusion, by which symbol-handlers routinely organize discourse” (6). In response to a critique

by Kosicki, McCombs, et al. (1997) argue that framing is essential to agenda-setting research. Patterson (2000) con- tends that traditional agenda-setting posits that the media tell us what to think about, while framing and agenda-setting research focus on the public policy issues in the news and in voters’ minds. Framing selects elements of a particular issue and manipulates their place in the public’s agenda. That is, framing expands what people talk or think about by examin- ing how they think and talk (Patterson cited in McCombs, et al. 1997).

The news communicates much more than facts (Patter- son cited in McCombs, et al. 1997), with an affective dimen- sion related to the public’s emotional response. One way that the media exerts this affective response is through the narra- tive structure of the news. Schulman (cited in McCombs, et

al. 1997)

argues that:

The way a news story is structured focuses and thus limits the causes and outcomes of the issue. Schudson (1982) argues that the power of the media lies in the forms in which declarations appear. The narrative is the link around which components of who, what, where, why, how, and when (Bennett & Edelman 1985) that form the content of the message are connected. (12)

In this context, the journalist is viewed as a storyteller (Barkin cited in McCombs, et al. 1997).

Another factor to consider in examining media frames is the emphasis topics receive, as shown by their placement and size as well as photographs, pull quotes, and subheads that all give a story prominence. This aspect is salient when we compare the importance of items on the media agenda and on the public agenda. Tankard, et al. (cited in McCombs, et al. 1997) refer to these focal points as framing mechanisms. The frequency with which a topic is mentioned probably has more in uence than any particular framing mechanism (McCombs, et al. 1997).




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

Journalists’ Role of in Framing 

This study highlights how journalists and newspaper editors may in uence what people read and play a signi cant role in how a particular issue is framed. Barbour and Wright (2001) note: “The same painting can look very different depending on its frame: a heavy gold baroque frame gives a painting weight and tradition, whereas a thin metal frame makes it more stark and modern. The painting doesn’t change but how we see it does” (280). They contend that be- cause journalists work in a highly competitive environment, they are required to write stories that attract and keep their audience’s attention, which often means presenting news
in an entertaining fashion or in ways journalists think their audience would nd appealing. In reporting a disaster, one journalist may write about the number of injured survivors, while another may focus on the number not injured.

Framing in newspapers is important because the readers form an attentive audience whose opinions can be shaped or changed by journalists who have the power to control content and format. Lotz argues (in McCombs, et al. 1997) that fram- ing is not an ideological bias but a structural bias that results from a selection process. For example, whenever reporters must compress information into a few paragraphs, some
parts are deliberately left out, and some parts are deliberately highlighted, resulting in distortion.

Patterson (2000) distinguishes soft and hard news. “Critics say that the news is based increasingly on what will interest an audience rather than on what the audience needs to know” (3). According to his study, over the past 18 years, news stories that have no clear connections to policy have risen dramatically; in 1980, 35 percent of the news was con- sidered soft but by 1998, 50 percent.

Patterson also notes that many reporters believe they have a directive to represent the public. Their desire to play the role of public advocate has increased substantially since the 1960s. “As journalists’ status rose, they became more assertive, a tendency sharpened by the trend toward interpre- tive reporting. Vietnam and Watergate also contributed to the change; these events convinced many journalists that their judgments were superior to those of political leaders” (288). This role is close to a journalist acting as a political activist. However, Patterson asserts that the media are not as well suited for the role of public representative as political leaders. Journalists are not elected, and the public cannot re them. The public expects them to provide facts upon which to base opinions, not to provide opinions. When journalists frame the HIV/AIDS crisis and stories about the availability and use of ARV drugs as if they were political activists, then it is vital to study their effect on public policy.


The Washington Post, New York Times, and IRIN articles regarding HIV/AIDS in Africa were obtained by searching LexusNexus using Africa and HIV as terms for six months.
A total of 143 articles were obtained: 55 from the New York Times, 37 from the Washington Post, and 51 from IRIN. After reviewing the articles, the eld was restricted to articles on the availability of ARV drugs associated with HIV/AIDS: 6 from the New York Times, 6 from the Washington Post, and 8 from IRIN. 

A coding form was developed to determine the extent to which the articles included interpretive framing. While the research generally is qualitative, using an objective method
to code the articles provided a structure to compare the use of framing within each. According to Patterson (e-mail, 1 October 2002), news stories can be roughly divided between those that are descriptive (telling what) and those that are interpretive (telling what but going on to tell why through analysis, explanation, and interpretation. He noted that the challenge in coding is determining which stories contain a reasonable level of analysis and interpretation. He cautioned that it is important not to confuse interpretive reporting with opinionated reporting. He also indicated that most journal- ists try hard to appear neutral in their reporting; however, neutral reporting becomes interpretive when the journalist is trying to explain or evaluate a development using explicit or implied causal statements. For example, “In an attempt today to woo union voters, Candidate X came out in favor of . . . Unless Candidate X can make a more substantial inroad with these voters, he is likely to lose . . .”

The researcher and an assistant read the selected articles independently and used the coding sheets to determine the extent to which the process described below, and taken from Patterson, were present in the articles.

Analyzing results from separating items in an article/editorial to help readers to understand the topic. Journalists/editors may present an analysis
to closely examine the topics included in the article or offer alternate ways to look at the topics or use examples to support a particular position or point of view on the topic, often using conjunctions (and, but, or) or citing sources/data and mentioning universities/quoting professors.

Explaining is the process of providing additional information for readers to make the topic clearer. The journalist uses transitions that add information,


HiV/Aids And puBliC pOliCY

Mary D. Clark – Governors State University 



such as with, which, because, that, where, and verbs that depict what type of action is happening in the article. Adjectives can be used (e.g., “heavy voter turnout”) to provide additional explanation.

Evaluating is the process of judging, determining, or xing a value to a person, place, or thing. Journalists/editors often use value adjectives (most, always, never, crucial) or comparative or superlative adverbs (better, best, badly).

The data analysis used a thematic approach to compare and to contrast the interpretive reporting in the selected articles. The coding forms provided a structure for determin- ing how the journalists frame the stories for the American public.


An analysis of the framing methods used in newspaper articles regarding the availability of ARV drugs for the treat- ment of HIV/AIDS revealed that they were more likely to use explanation more than other types of framing. Table 1 presents the analysis of the type of framing used in each of the three publications. As some articles used multiple types of framing, the frequency with which each type was used could exceed the number of articles included in the analysis.

Table 1: Types of Framing Used in Newspaper Articles

To further examine the use of framing, speci c quotes from the articles were obtained from selected articles.

Analysis. The use of analysis is indicated in an IRIN article dated 13 January 2005, when an author states that: “While Senegal has one of Africa’s lowest HIV prevalence rates, thanks in part to ef cient campaigning, testing and pre- vention encouraged by the government, the gay community has been sidelined from AIDS programmes since homosexual sex is technically a crime.” The author is providing possible reasons for the low HIV prevalence rates in Senegal (ef cient campaigning, testing, prevention, as well as not counting people in the gay community).

An article in the New York Times, dated 27 January 2005, used analysis to provide a rationale for the lack of treat-
ment of HIV/AIDS in some sub-Saharan African countries. “Surprisingly, some of the most determined countries are the least equipped to deal with the crisis. Zambia, for instance, is treating nearly as many people as South Africa, even though South Africa has a much better health care system and more than ve times as many people in need of anti-retroviral drugs.”

None of the reviewed articles from the Washington Post used analysis to provide a rationale for the use and availability of ARV drugs in sub-Saharan Africa.

Explanation. Explanation was used extensively in framing articles on the availability of ARV drugs in IRIN articles. In a 28 January 2005 article, the author indicated that “Ghana’s subsidised ARV programme is a luxury that is only made pos- sible by funding from international donors. The government has to pay $7,200 per year to treat each subsidized patient in a country whose gross domestic product per capita income is only $304 per year. Patients are charged $5 per month for the drugs prescribed.” The author is attempting to explain that the ARV program is a luxury and what the government has to pay to subsidize patient treatment.

An example of the use of explanation by the New York Times appears in an article dated 25 October 2004: “The gov- ernment once hoped to have 70,000 of its citizens on ARVs by the end of this year, but the rollout of the lifesaving anti- AIDS drugs has proceeded markedly slower than expected. The rst major donations of money from the Global Fund to Fights AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria came this year, as well as the beginnings of a White House program, the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, which has expanded drug treatment in the capital, Lusaka.” The journalist was trying to explain why citizens were not able to get the anti-AIDS drugs needed to treat them effectively.

Types of Framing New York Times  Washington Post  IRIN 
Analysis 2 0 6
Explanation 3 9 8
Evaluation 4 3 1



Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

The Washington Post also used explanation in an article dated 19 February 2005 in which the journalist reported the reasons why ARV drugs were not available in Ethiopia. “As Ethiopia grapples with HIV/AIDS, it has received relatively little foreign aid. Lifesaving anti-retroviral drugs, widely avail- able in the West, are just an expensive rumor here.”

Evaluation. In a 17 March 2005 IRIN article, the author implies a cause and effect relationship. “And if the cheaper generic drugs stop owing into Togo, then prices will only rise again.”

A New York Times article dated 28 November 2004 indi- cated that:

Mr. Mbeki remains sensitive about the subject. Asked last month by a white member of Parliament if he believed the prevalence of rape played any role in the spread of AIDS, Mr. Mbeki exploded. The “disease of racism,” he declared,
lay behind portrayals of South African blacks as “lazy, liars, foul-smelling, diseased, corrupt, violent, amoral, sexually depraved, animalistic, savage and rapist.”

The outburst demonstrated how, a decade after the collapse of apartheid, the legacy of that racist system and a huge AIDS epidemic form an explosive brew.

Under apartheid, the portrayal of blacks as
sexual animals was integral to a white policy of dehumanizing them. Such stereotypes do not vanish overnight from white psyches formed over decades of apartheid. Mr. Mbeki’s government, aware of this, remains torn between its promise
last year to provide ARV drugs to all AIDS patients and a lingering anger over the past. The result often appears to be ambivalence, resulting in a slow roll out of drugs.

This article evaluates the causes of the slow rollout of drugs by the government in South Africa.

To further demonstrate the use of cause and effect, a Washington Post article dated 14 January 2005 used this form of framing.

Contrary to popular belief here, AIDS is not necessarily fatal. A small but growing trickle of ARV drugs is reaching those with AIDS in South Africa, allowing dramatically prolonged lives for the few people with access to the medicine. And the government, after years of resistance, is now offering the drugs at some public health clinics.

Yet most of the estimated 5 million South Africans infected with HIV have never even been tested
for the virus. Many of those who die of AIDS complications are unfamiliar with the illness and do not appear at hospitals until they are too sick to gain much bene t from potentially life-prolonging drugs, physicians say.


This brief review of articles in three US newspapers provided evidence that journalists use framing to expand on the description of this serious problem. Many of the articles reviewed were rst-person stories of the effects of HIV/AIDS, and others were purely descriptive, giving facts and not pro- viding any ampli cation.

Additional research is needed on the framing of newspa- per articles to determine its effects on readers. Through the use of framing, journalists may be acting as political activists by choosing what to include and to exclude in their articles. As a result, consumers of news information must examine multiple sources to obtain a comprehensive understanding of a topic, such as the use and availability of ARV drugs needed to combat HIV/AIDS throughout the continent of Africa.


HiV/Aids And puBliC pOliCY

Mary D. Clark – Governors State University 




Barbour, C., & Wright, G. (2001). Keeping the republic: Power and citizenship in American politics. Boston: Houghton Mif in Co.

Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clari cation of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43 (4):51-58.

Iyengar, S. (1991). Is anyone responsible? How television frames political issues. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

McCombs, M. E., Shaw D. L., & Weaver, D. (Eds.). (1997). Communication and democracy: Exploring the intellectual frontiers in agenda-setting theory. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Patterson, T. E. (2000). Doing well and doing good: How soft news and critical journalism are shrinking the news audience and weakening democracy—and what news outlets can do about it. Cambridge: President and Fellows of Harvard College.

Wikipedia. (2005). Antiretroviral drug. Retrieved 8 June 2005, from


Aids And urBAniZAtiOn WitHin A glOBAl

And AfriCAn COnteXt:

Eliada Nwosu – Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh 




This paper compares the relationship of urbaniza- tion and adult AIDS prevalence rates to AIDS rates and other variables known to propel transmission of the disease. Using statistical regression analysis, the analysis includes 80 countries. Contrary to expecta- tions, the variables of income inequality, gender empowerment, and corruption—not urbanization— were the signi cant factors in explaining HIV/ AIDS rates. Gender-empowerment measures became insigni cant upon inserting the African Dummy Variable, implying that that the vast poverty of low- development countries disempowers both men and women. These results imply that structural and envi- ronmental forces that compel migration—rather than the migration process itself—should be the focus of policy-making. Possible policy directions include the promotion of small businessand entrepreneurship and holistic programs that view men and women

as partnering members of a whole rather than as exclusive groups.

Of the nearly 40 million people living with HIV at the end of 2002, 95 percent were living in developing countries (Business Referral and Information Network 2004), and the regions of southern Africa, eastern Asia, and eastern Europe show gradually increasing prevalence rates (UNAIDS & IOM 1998). Why have these regions now become focal points for HIV/AIDS? The 1998 UNAIDS/IOM report on Migration and AIDS also reports that these areas are undergoing dra- matic structural changes as they develop market economies and have opened once-closed borders. Consequently, they are attracting people seeking better economic opportunities in the emerging commercial centers. The movement of people would seem to have a large impact on the spread of the disease.

Literature Review 

Two major conclusions are steadily asserted throughout the commonly cited literature that addresses the link between HIV/AIDS and migration. First, case studies and histori-
cal analyses emphasize the fact that migrants, in contrast to nonmigrants, are at higher risk of acquiring the virus and perpetuating its transmission (Quinn 1994; Decosas 1995; Caldwell et al. 1997). Empirical studies that either draw primary data from a speci c locale (Nunn et al. 1995; Lurie 2000; Poudel et al. 2003) or use secondary data sources, such as national or multilateral databases (Carael 1995; Brocker- hoff & Biddlecom 1999; Dyson 2002), con rm this claim.

Second, studies seeking to identify the cause behind the link between migration and HIV transmission attribute it
to changes in individual sexual behavior due to the migra- tion process and/or fundamental structural crises, such as economic recession, that fuel it (Quinn 1994; Carael 1995; Caldwell et al. 1995; Soskolne & Shtarkshall 2002).

Most studies exploring the migration/AIDS relationship have been based in Africa. Analyzing the entire continent is common (Quinn 1994; Carael 1995; Caldwell et al. 1997). However, West Africa is the focus of many regional stud-
ies, where migration patterns between Ghana, Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and Senegal are explored (Quinn 1994; Decosas et al. 1995; Yelibi & Valentini 1993). Studies focused on south- ern and eastern Africa also highlight the migration patterns within countries, such as Uganda and Kenya (Nunn et al. 1995; Brockerhoff & Biddlecom 1999), as well as the paths carved by migrants from other southern African nations into the mines and factories of South Africa (Chirwa 1998; Lurie 2000; Dyson 2003).

More recently, however, empirical studies of Asia and eastern Europe are emerging as the epidemic becomes a threat to development in these areas. Southeast Asia has of- ten been the focus of study (Dyson 2003; Poudel et al. 2003) as well as nations of the former Soviet Union (Soskolne & Shtarkshall 2002).

Beyond the two main hypotheses consistently con rmed by the literature, several studies have offered new insight into understanding the relationship between migration and HIV transmission. Conventional thought has long asserted that AIDS is introduced into rural areas by migrant workers returning home from urban centers. On the other hand, Lurie (2000) demonstrates that among a large percentage
of HIV-infected migrant couples, the woman was infected rst. Such ndings suggest that the rural and urban dynam- ics of the disease must be investigated simultaneously to understand the full series of events that lead to HIV trans- mission. The “multi-level framework” provided by Soskolne & Shtarkshall’s (2002) study on immigrant communities in Israel offers an analytical tool to further interrogate migra- tion’s complex impact on structural and personal factors that increase HIV prevalence, as seen in Lurie’s study.

Unlike his colleagues, Dyson (2003) uses urbaniza-
tion rates to operationalize migration within a country. His straightforward regression analysis demonstrates that a coun- try’s rate of urbanization explains the variation in its HIV prevalence. He offers the rst statistical test of this hypothesis using cross-sectional data.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

The Problem and the Project 

The relationship between migration in the form of ur- banization and variation in AIDS prevalence is con rmed by the preceding evidence. However, does it imply that the key to AIDS prevention lies in mitigating the risks perpetuated by migration? Does it suggest that AIDS prevention strategies should target migration over other factors that may contrib- ute to the disease? Research must now compare migration’s impact on the spread of AIDS relative to other well-known factors to inform governments of key areas to which limited resources should be channeled for maximum effect.

The following study seeks to determine migration’s prior- ity as a factor in HIV/AIDS transmission. Urbanization’s positive effect on HIV spread is known, but how does its im- pact compare to the in uence of other social variables, such as employment rates or education, in explaining the variance in HIV prevalence? This study hypothesizes that developing countries’ urbanization rates are an important determinant of the variation in HIV/AIDS transmission relative to other variables. It includes socio-economic data on 80 developing countries from 1993 to 2003. Interestingly, the results fail to show that urbanization has a signi cant impact on the varia- tion of AIDS prevalence rates, controlling for other variables, and other variables are shown to have a strongly signi cant relationship. These outcomes imply that it is not the pro-
cess of migration that increases the probability of disease transmission but rather the social and structural factors that trigger the movement in the rst place.

Model and Data 

The model tested the variation of HIV/AIDS prevalence as a function of various socio-economic variables, including urbanization. In total, 10 independent variables are included: adult AIDS prevalence = a + b1 (government expenditures to- ward health) + b2 (corruption) + b3 (income inequality) + b4 (gender-related development) + b5 (male adult literacy rate)
+ b6 (female adult literacy rate) + b7 (industrialization) + b8 (unemployment) + b9 (urbanization) + b10 (religion) + error.

The analysis tested these relationships in 80 developing nations. The breakdown of nations based on their geographi- cal regions is as follows: 29 sub-Saharan African countries; 14 south and east Asian countries; 14 Latin American countries; 13 eastern European countries; 5 Caribbean countries; and 5 countries from the Middle East and North Africa. The data cover or are included in the time span from 1993 to 2003.

Justi cation of Variables 

Adult AIDS Prevalence Rates were sourced from the WHO/UNAID Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases. They describe the percent of adults (aged 15-49) living with HIV/AIDS out of a coun- try’s total adult population at the end of the year 2003. The prevalence rate does not include children, since adult rates are cited by most sources (2004).

Government Expenditures toward Health must be allocated to the areas and individuals most in need. Political stabil-
ity can determine how ef ciently the public health system ensures that supply meets demand. Economically, the more
a government spends on its health care facilities, the more
it can accommodate the demand of its HIV-infected popula- tion. Study data come from World Health Organization Core Health Indicators, which average scal spending on health
as a percentage of total government expenditures for the 5-year span from 1997 to 2001. Government expenditures
are expected to have a negative relationship to adult AIDS prevalence.

Corruption—from unjusti able and unaccountable rent payments to of cials to mismanagement of funds—squanders resources and perpetuates circumstances, such as incomplete projects and inadequate health services, where social costs outweigh social and private bene ts. Corruption was estimat- ed using the well-known Corruption Perception Index (CPI) of Transparency International. It measures the level at which countries are perceived to be corrupt, based on consultation with various experts and businesses. CPIs for each country are averaged for the years from 1995 to 2004. Corruption is expected to have a positive relationship to adult AIDS preva- lence.

Income Inequality. The Harris-Todero Model (Gillis 1992) of economics describes the dynamics of rural-urban migra- tion as motivated by the search for better wages. Typically, societies where the wage differentials between urban and rural sectors exceed the cost of migration—as perceived by the migrant—will trigger the movement of people from their agrarian homes. Hence, income inequality speaks to the broader social disparity that fuels population mobility. This item is measured by the Gini Coef cient with data from
the United Nations Human Development Index. Income inequality is expected to have a positive relationship to adult AIDS prevalence.


Aids And urBAniZAtiOn WitHin A glOBAl

And AfriCAn COnteXt:

Eliada Nwosu – Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh 



Gender Empowerment was measured using the Gender- Related Development Index of UNDP. It is calculated in the same way as the Human Development Index and adjusted for gender inequalities. It takes into account women’s life expec- tancy, educational levels, and real adjusted income. GDI was averaged for the years 1997 to 2002. Globally, gender-related vulnerabilities contribute to HIV/AIDS transmission. The 2004 World’s AIDS Day, themed “Women, Girls, and HIV/ AIDS,” highlighted the need for further inquiry. Gender- related development is expected to have a negative relation- ship to adult AIDS prevalence. UNDP’s Female Economic Activity Rate index was also used to assess the percentage of economic activity performed by women in comparison to the percent of working women in the population and to men.

Adult Male/Female Literacy Rate. Increased ability to comprehend educational material and campaigns may lead to wiser health decisions. Rates were gathered from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators averaged for the years 1993 to 2003. Adult literacy rates are expected to have a nega- tive relationship to adult AIDS prevalence.

Unemployment was computed from annual in ation rates averaged for the years 1993 to 2003. Conventional economic knowledge explains that in ation and unemployment have an inverse relationship. When unemployment is high, wage costs remain low, and employers are not pressured to raise prices; in ation does not rise. When unemployment is low, then employees can push for increased wage costs, which employers then offset with an increase in prices, stimulating in ation (see “Accelerating In ation” http://williamking. In ation rates are gathered from the World Development Indicators. Unemployment can have either a positive or negative impact on adult AIDS prevalence.

Urbanization is measured by annual urban growth rates between 1990-1995 and 2000-2005 compiled by the United Nations Population Division. Urbanization is expected to have a positive relationship to adult AIDS prevalence.

African Dummy Variable indicates whether or not the signi cance of any other variable differs between African and other nations. It is inserted into the model to measure its signi cance within the African context.

Discussion of Empirical Results 

A preliminary regression analysis was performed to assess the relationship between the independent variables and adult AIDS prevalence rates. This preliminary analysis did not include the African Dummy Variable (ADV). Results showed that corruption, income inequality, and gender-related development were the only signi cant variables and were all signi cant at 99 percent con dence levels. The signs of the relationships were also as expected. Urbanization had no signi cant impact on HIV/AIDS prevalence in comparison to the other variables.

The analysis was then expanded to include the ADV in the regression model. The results are shown below. Again, corruption and income inequality were both signi cant at the 90 percent con dence interval or higher, and urbaniza- tion had no signi cant impact. Thus, controlling for all variables in the model, corruption and income inequality better predict variations in HIV/AIDS prevalence. Perhaps as corruption represents money hoarding and contributes
to the stagnation of the economy, opportunities for income generation and distribution are further thwarted, causing the polarization of society. The increasing gap between rich and poor continues to marginalize populations and threatens the sustainability of underprivileged communities. Such dispari- ties would fuel migration, as members of these communities leave home to search for better economic opportunities. Hence, the prevailing conditions rather than migration itself compel certain populations to migrate, increasing their vul- nerability to HIV/AIDS.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

Independent variables  Model 1 


Model 2 


Model 3 


Constant -7.580 (-0.887) -19.691 (-2.851) -20.483 (-2.863)***
Government Expenditures toward health -0.235 (-1.289) -0.265 (-1.423) -0.264 (-1.427)
Corruption 2.088 (2.799)*** 1.525 (2.302)** 1.494 (2.267)**
Income Inequality 0.305 (3.482)*** 0.284 (3.096)*** 0.294 (3.095)***
Gender Empowerment -26.191 (-1.598) ADV Excluded -55.344 (-5.365)*** 0.038 (0.619) ADV Excluded 0.199 (3.601)*** 0.040 (0.738) ADV Excluded 0.178 (3.738)***
Male Adult Literacy Rate 0.018 (0.161) 0.036 (0.313) 0.035 (0.307)
Female Adult Literacy Rate 0.105 (0.875) 0.018 (0.191) (0.016) (0.167)
Unemployment .004 (0.480) 0.000 (0.008) 0.000 (-0.030)
Urbanization -0.287 (-0.445) -0.128 (-0.218) -0.073 (-0.125)
ADV 6.807 (2.235)** 9.923 (4.121)*** 9.726 (4.020)***
Adjusted R  0.585 0.553 0.555 (A) 0.555
F stat  9.929*** 9.117*** 9.164***

Aids And urBAniZAtiOn WitHin A glOBAl

And AfriCAn COnteXt:

Eliada Nwosu – Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh 



Nonetheless, although corruption and income inequal- ity remained consistent, the various gender-empowerment measures were no longer signi cant after insertion of the ADV. The three models tested differ primarily by the measure of gender empowerment used—the Gender-Related Develop- ment Index [Model 1]; the Female Economic Activity Rate,
as percent of working-age women [Model 2]; and the Female Economic Activity Rate, as percent of men’s contributions [Model 3]. All three measures were signi cant at the 99 percent con dence interval during the preliminary analysis, when the ADV was excluded. The regression analyses that included the ADV in the models show that all gender-empow- erment measures have no statistical signi cance as predictors of HIV/AIDS prevalence.

What could explain this change? It is widely claimed that empowering women curbs HIV/AIDS spread. Is this claim wrong, or does it make no difference in the African context? To gain insight, the FEAR 2 data of the UNDP-HDI database were scrutinized more closely, targeting the African countries. The data showed that of 32 African countries, 31 of which were used in this study, 10 were considered medium-develop- ment, while 22 were deemed low-development. The average FEAR 2 gure for all these countries is 72 percent, meaning that the rate at which female activity contributes to the econ- omy is 72 percent of the men’s rate. More than 70 percent of the low-development African countries exceeded this FEAR
2 mean, while only 30 percent of the medium- development African countries surpassed the average. In other words, the economic activity of men and women was more equal in African nations where development is low. This comparison suggests that both men and women are affected by the conditions of pov- erty, resulting in limited economic activity for both men and women. As a result, the difference between men and women’s earning power are negligible because poverty disempowers both men and women. This rationale helps to explain the insigni cance of the GDI and FEAR 1 variables because, although the conditions of poor women are distinct from those of their male counterparts, the gap in HIV/AIDS vul- nerability between the genders may be less in countries where men and women are similarly disenfranchised in contrast to a society where there is large disparity in earning potential and political power between men and women.

Policy Implications and Conclusions 

Statistical analysis of the data set offers some unexpected results. Surprisingly, urbanization does not signi cantly predict the variation of adult HIV/AIDS prevalence relative to, and controlling for, the other variables in the model.

Findings show that gender-related development, corruption, and income inequality have a consistent impact on the varia- tion of AIDS prevalence rates in developing nations; these g- ures change, however, when investigating whether or not the impact of variables varies between African and non-African developing countries. Although the variables of corruption and income inequality remain signi cant, gender empower- ment does not.

The statistical analysis implies that future policy that seeks to curtail the spread of HIV need not target the process of migration alone but rather the social and economic dynamics that encourage migration in the rst place. In other words, policies that focus on migration may only be attack- ing a symptom rather than the actual forces contributing to the disease’s transmission. Policies geared toward alleviat-
ing income disparities, such as support for entrepreneurial ventures, small business development, and rural enterprise, could dampen urbanization itself. Such policies will also be more effective if they take into account the roles that gender, urban versus rural settings, regionalism and international trade, and manufacturing and service industries play in shaping an environment conducive to restoring heath. Such initiatives will also demand the dismantling of government procedures that perpetuate economic disparity, such as
laws biased against small business and actions that chan-
nel resources away from economic growth in lower income communities. Regarding future research, the fact that poverty affects men and women in joint, yet unique ways demands innovative approaches to combating income inequality.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 


Brockerhoff, M., & Biddlecom, A. E. (1999). Migration, Sexual Behavior and the Risk of HIV in Kenya. International Migration Review, 33:833-856.

Business Referral and Information Network. HIV/AIDS and small business.

Buve, A., Bisikwabo-Nsarhaza, K., & Mutangadura, G. (2002). The Spread of HIV-1 in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Lancet, 329:2011-2018.

Caldwell, J. C., Anar , J.K., & Caldwell, P. (1997). Mobility, Migration, Sex, STDs, and AIDS: An Essay on Sub-Saharan Africa with Other Parallels. In Gilbert Herdt (Ed.), Sexual Cultures and Migration in the Era of AIDS (pp. 41-54). Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Carael, M. (1997). Urban-Rural Differentials in HIV/STDs and Sexual Behavior. In Gilbert Herdt (Ed.), Sexual Cultures and Migration in the Era of AIDS (pp. 107-126). Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Chirwa, W. C. (1998). Aliens and AIDS in Southern Africa: The Malawi-South Africa Debate. African Affairs, 97:53-79. CIA World Fact Book Database.
Decosas, J., Kane, F., Anar , J. K., Sodji, K.D.R., & Wagner, H. U. (1995). Migration and AIDS. The Lancet, 346:826-829. Dyson, T. (2003). HIV/AIDS and Urbanization. Population and Development Review, 29:427-442.

Gillis, M., et al. (1992). Economics of Development. New York: W.W. Norton and Company.

Lurie, M. (2000). Migration and AIDS in Southern Africa. South African Journal of Science, 96:343-348.

Nunn, A. J., et al. (1995). Migration and HIV-1 Seroprevalence in a Rural Ugandan Population. AIDS, 9:503-506.

Poudel, K. C., Okumara, J., Sherchand, J. B., Jimba, M., & Murakami, I. (2003). Mumbai disease in far western Nepal: HIV infection and syphilis among male migrant-returnees and non-migrants. Tropical Medicine and International Health, 8:933-939.

Quinn, T. C. (1994). Population Migration and the Spread of Types 1 and 2 Human Immunode ciency Viruses. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 91:2407-2414

“Religion and HIV/AIDS.” (2002). AIDS Action, 47.
Soskolne, V., & Shtarkshall, R. A. (2002). Migration and HIV prevention programmes: linking structural factors, culture, and

individual behavior – an Israeli experience. Social Science and Medicine, 55:1297-1307.

Transparency International. Corruption Perception Index Database.

UNAIDS. WHO/UNAID Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases.

UNAIDS & IOM. (1998). Migration and AIDS. International Migration, 36: 445-466


Aids And urBAniZAtiOn WitHin A glOBAl

And AfriCAn COnteXt:

Eliada Nwosu – Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh 



UNAIDS & IOM. (2001). Population Mobility and AIDS: UNAIDS Technical Update.
United Nations Development Program. Human Development Index Database.
UN Population Division. United Nation Population Database. Wolffers, I., Verghis, S., & Marin, M. (2003). Migration, human rights, and health. The Lancet, 362:2019-2020. World Bank Group. World Development Indicators Database.
World Health Organization. Core Health Indicators.

Yelibi, S., & Valentini, P. (1993). Sociocultural Aspects of Aids in an Urban Peripheral Area of Abidjan (Cote D’Ivoire). AIDS Care, 5, 187-197.


COnteMpOrArY puBliC pOliCY OptiOns fOr tHe HiV/Aids

epideMiC in tHe CAriBBeAn

Michael Frazier – Howard University; Kurt Robertson – Howard University 




The Caribbean HIV/AIDS prevalence rate is approximately 2 percent of the adult population. Many Caribbean leaders see the epidemic not just as a health crisis but also as a major socio-economic problem. Among the 500,000 men and women

in Caribbean countries who are HIV positive and/or living with AIDS, this research focuses on the subgroup between 25-34 years of age who represent the core of the economic and reproduc- tive sectors (McEvoy 2000). For decision-makers in the war against the spread and containment of the HIV/AIDS virus, especially for nancially limited governments that lack resources to fund remediation efforts for people living with the disease, this investi- gation provides alternative policy proposals that are practical and cost-effective.


In the Caribbean, HIV/AIDS rst appeared in Haiti, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago in 1979, 1982, and 1983, respectively (Howe & Cobley 2000). The reported cases
were “among gay men who had sex with North American
gay men, in North America or in the Caribbean” (Camara 2001). Epidemiological studies in both Jamaica and Trinidad showed that subtype B of HIV-1 in the Caribbean is the most prevalent subtype, generally associated with Canada, the United States, and western Europe (World Bank 1997).

According to Howe & Cobley (2002), however, since 1985, female and pediatric AIDS cases have represented 28 percent of total cases reported to the Caribbean Epidemio- logical Center (CAREC) by its member countries, indicating that AIDS was spreading to the general population and no longer restricted to gay or bisexual men. Presently in the Ca- ribbean, transmission is predominantly through heterosexual contact (World Bank 2001).

These high HIV/AIDS prevalence rates are a major con- cern for many Caribbean territories. Governmental efforts, both regionally and nationally, are critical in mitigating the proliferation of HIV/AIDS, and the aim of this research was to provide them with alternative policy proposals.

Section 1 presents methodology. Section 2 presents major cultural and economic policy ndings. Section 3

discusses the cultural dynamics of gender relations; the role of homophobia; the in uence of myths and superstitions
on the surge of HIV/AIDS in the region; and the economic effects of HIV/AIDS on Caribbean governments’ gross domestic products and labor markets. Section 4 examines
the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and governmental efforts regionally and nationally to slow down the far-reaching effects of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Section 5 presents policy recommendations for decision-makers in Caribbean societies. They are intended for individuals, families, health profession- als, Caribbean governments, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), faith-based communities, and international organi- zations committed to mitigating the spread of HIV/AIDS.


This study is a qualitative analysis of Caribbean gov- ernments’ efforts to mitigate the spread of HIV/AIDS. Its strength lies in its in-depth examination of the HIV/AIDS phenomenon and its useful, accessible framework for concep- tualizing policy alternatives.

The study does have some limitations. It does not take into account budgetary disparities between Caribbean gov- ernments. The regional scope also limits its generalizability. Many governments studied here have ineffective surveillance techniques; thus, prevalence rates maybe underreported. These limitations indicate areas for further research.

The database used was derived from primary and second- ary sources. Primary sources included consultations and interviews with Caribbean Embassy of cials, US government of cials, and health care professionals from the National Institutes of Health (NIH); secondary sources were selected from the scholarly and professional literature. The research was conducted from 30 June 2003 to 16 June 2004.

The study found that cultural factors signi cantly affect the spread of HIV/AIDS, and the epidemic has extensive economic effects. These ndings, speci ed below, illuminate HIV/AIDS challenges in the Caribbean region.

1. HIV/AIDS is becoming a female disease, as women and girls are more vulnerable to sexual exploitation and sexual violence than men. Many adolescent girls are having sex with older men, especially in Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica, which increases the risk for an AIDS surge (World Bank 2001).

1CAREC member countries include Anguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, and Turks and Caicos.

2The Caribbean Community Secretariat (CARICOM) is the organization in control of regional policy and cooperation. It is comprised of the main regional institu- tions, governments, national program managers, donors, UN agencies, and PLWHA from almost every country and territory in the area. Its Human and Social Devel- opment arm is responsible for HIV/AIDS planning.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

  1. Homophobia is one of the leading factors in the spread of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the Caribbean, The connection between the disease and homosexuality exacerbates the challenges for people living with HIV/AIDS, as they are frequently ostracized and considered pariahs (Human Rights Watch 2004).
  2. Due to the lack of education on HIV/AIDS, myths and superstitions persist and fuel the surge of the disease (Farmer 1999).
  3. In the Caribbean, the median age of people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) is between 25 and 34 years (World Bank 2001). The impact of the epidemic on this group has deleterious effects on Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and labor markets (World Bank 1997).

Analysis and Discussion 

Gender Relations. Women are more vulnerable to HIV than men for biological as well as social and cultural rea- sons. Machismo and male/female power relations have a sig- ni cant impact on many women who have little or no power to negotiate safer sex practices with their male partners (World Bank 2001). Many men in Caribbean countries feel that siring many children is a positive sign of virility. This chauvinistic attitude contributes to the high infection rates in women. “It is estimated that about 35% of the adults living in the Caribbean region with HIV/AIDS are women” (World Bank 2001:15).

A Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UN- AIDS 1999) report noting the impact of male chauvinism on the spread of the epidemic recommended that Carib- bean governments pay special attention to sexual relation- ships between young female adolescents and older men, as they may result from rape, incest, domestic violence, and sex for social and nancial support. In Trinidad and Tobago,
28 percent of girls said they had sex with older men. As a result, the infection rates for women between 15 and 19 years of age were 5 times higher than those of their male counterparts (Epstein 2001).

Homophobia. In the Caribbean, HIV/AIDS is widely misunderstood as a gay illness, which obstructs successful prevention strategies and jeopardizes people living with it. The fear of being labeled homosexual in a homophobic culture may prevent people from requesting an HIV test. Others may refuse to divulge any pattern of homosexual

behavior as a potential risk factor if their HIV test results are positive for the virus. In Jamaica and other Caribbean islands, homosexuals are subject to violence ranging from verbal attacks to murder. Jamaican police are frequently reluctant to investigate complaints of homophobic violence or to protect its victims, as the island’s “sodomy laws crimi- nalize consensual sex between adult men” (Human Rights Watch 2004:2).

Furthermore, in many Caribbean states, religious leaders are intolerant of homosexuality, believing it is an abomination. Popular dancehall and calypso musicians reinforce negative stereotypes about homosexuals (Howe
& Cobley 2000). “Their antigay slogans promote violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity” (Human Rights Watch 2004:.2). State of cials must enact laws that create a positive environment for homosexual, bisexual, and transgender people, so they can seek and access treatment for HIV and other opportunistic diseases without fear of societal bigotry and reprisals.

Myths and Superstitions in Haiti. In rural Haiti, AIDS
is referred to as sida (Farmer 1999). Rural popular culture perceives it as a new disease connected with skin infections, the symptoms of tuberculosis, drying up of the blood, and diarrhea. According to Farmer (1999), a series of interviews dating from 1983 to 1990 in the rural village of Do Kay revealed that many believed that sida might happen both naturally and supernaturally. “Natural sida is caused by sex- ual contact with someone who is a carrier of the germ and supernatural sida is sent by someone who deliberately exacts death upon the af icted” (176). Such superstitions coupled with cultural attitudes may be accelerating the spread of the disease in Haiti, resulting in devastating economic repercus- sions on the labor market and GDP in addition to the other human costs.

Effects of the HIV/AIDS Surge on Caribbean Labor Mar- kets. The epidemic has signi cant impact on the Caribbean labor force, as it greatly affects people in the prime working ages between 20 and 34 (World Bank 2001). The disease
has become an obstacle to employment objectives and
labor market ef ciency. Lisk (2002) states that reduction of worker productivity owing to AIDS-related in rmities or the demands of caring for a loved one af icted with the disease can substantially decrease output and reduce earnings, skills, and knowledge. He further posits that HIV/AIDS is shifting the age and sex distribution of the labor force, increasing reliance on children and the elderly.


COnteMpOrArY puBliC pOliCY OptiOns fOr tHe HiV/Aids

epideMiC in tHe CAriBBeAn

Michael Frazier – Howard University; Kurt Robertson – Howard University 



Effects of the HIV/AIDS Surge on Gross Domestic Product. 

The University of the West Indies and the Caribbean Re- gional Epidemiological Center (CAREC) conducted a study on the macro-economic in uence of variables in Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica from 1997 to 2005, modeled on

a low projection of HIV/AIDS infection. It estimated that these countries’ GDPs would decline by 4.2 and 6.4 percent, respectively (McEvoy 2000). Countries like Guyana, Surinam, and the Dominican Republic are impeded in their reactions to the inordinate cost of debt levied on their governments by one of the most vicious epidemics in modern times. Their ef- forts in trying to treat and to contain the disease absorb more than half of their GDPs (World Bank 1997).

International, Regional, and National Initiatives 

International Donors to the Caribbean. “The European Union (EU) and its member countries, the Joint United Nations Program on AIDS (UNAIDS) and its co-sponsors, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the World Bank and the Canadian International Develop- ment Agency (CIDA) are the primary international donors involved in the HIV/AIDS related activities in Caribbean countries” (World Bank 2001:x). President Bush’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (EPAR), formally known as the United States Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003, H.R. 1298 (P.L.108-25), is set to make the largest contribution to the Caribbean (see Congressional Research Services 2004).

Regional Initiatives. The Caribbean is strengthening its regional response through the creation of the Caribbean Task Force on HIV/AIDS. The Task Force initiated the Pan Carib- bean Partnership on HIV/AIDS, which cultivated a Regional Strategic Framework (CARICOM 2002). The National AIDS Program is another regional initiative: “it encompasses the media, the public and private sectors, NGOs and community- based organizations and some church groups that have come together in ensuring educational control” (Howe & Cobley 2000:18). Regional strategies usually obtain their importance and power from national policy targets and objectives.

National Initiatives. In the Caribbean, national preven- tion strategies originally focused on behavioral adjustments. However, since 1995, new strategies have focused on epide- miological prevention measures; psychosocial support; HIV/

AIDS/STD clinical management; AIDS, human rights, and other socio-cultural concerns, stressing gender-related prob- lems and poverty (Howe & Cobley 2000). There are many successful national initiatives. In Cuba, for example, the government has created effective health programs that have reduced mother-to-child transmission and made antiretroviral drugs universally accessible to PLWHA (World Bank 2001).


Caribbean cultures play a signi cant role in the regional surge of HIV/AIDS. Cultural variables, such as gender relations, homophobic violence, and superstition, in uence economic factors, such as GDP and the labor market. CARI- COM member governments and other Caribbean govern- ments have bene ted from international interventions and created regional and national agendas to mitigate the spread of HIV/AIDS. While they have achieved some success, many of these initiatives are challenged by competing priorities, including “small economies, heavy reliance on revenues from export and tourism, lack of regional integration on trade and monetary issues and competing social goods such as crime prevention, health and high levels of unemployment” (Aarons 1999:2.).

Policy Recommendations 

These policy recommendations attempt to incorporate different, useful, and innovative methods to mitigate the spread of HIV/AIDS. They should not be seen as a panacea but rather as guidance and structure for implementations that will assist in minimizing the devastation of the HIV/ AIDS epidemic.

1. Government leaders must implement media campaigns and rallies that condemn discrimination against people living with HIV/AIDS. This pernicious cultural stigma leads to human rights violations and contributes to the HIV/AIDS surge (Human Rights Watch 2004).

2. Regional initiatives should incorporate an independent agency, operating under the auspices of CARICOM. It should have oversight responsi- bility and jurisdiction to establish rules and guidelines that pertain to the creation of health policies and conventions regarding HIV/AIDS in member countries.

3H.R. 1298 is a 5-year plan, totaling US $15 billion, to be distributed to 14 African nations and, initially, 2 Caribbean islands: Haiti and Guyana. However, a further initiative under Section of S.116, the FY2004 Foreign Assistance Authorization Act as reported out of Committee (S.Rept.108-56), now listed in H.R.1298 (P.L.108- 25), amended the bill to include 12 Caribbean nations.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

  1. This agency should have departments located
    in CARICOM member and other Caribbean countries. Each department should have an annual budget for implementing HIV/AIDS programs based on the country’s GDP. Yearly budgets will give Caribbean governments an opportunity to opt out of the system if they are dissatis ed with the agency’s performance.
  2. This agency should work in conjunction with international organizations, such as the World Bank, the Bill Clinton Foundation, Human Rights Watch, and CARICOM’S strategic Regional Approach. It should submit quarterly reports regarding the status of surveillance systems and health-care infrastructure and negotiate a single regional price for all antiretroviral drugs with pharmaceutical companies.
  3. The agency will periodically send out observers to member countries. If any human right violations and abuse against marginalized high-risk groups
    or people living with HIV/AIDS are reported or discovered in any country’s department, the member countries will be sanctioned or penalized. The department must le grievances in the host country against, penalize, or incarcerate any health personnel who share con dential information without permission.
  4. Caribbean governments must work in partnership with NGOs, community-based organizations, other government ministries, and the private sector in designing and executing programs that address behavioral patterns like multiple sex partners and cultural norms. There has to be a clear understand- ing that controlling the HIV/AIDS epidemic will require that community leaders, youth leaders, and peer groups are included in the planning and implementation process to harness better results.
  5. School curricula must incorporate high-quality sexual health and HIV/AIDS education to inculcate attitudes and behavior patterns that will reduce the chances of HIV transmission (Kelly 2002). Sex education in schools should target youths 10 years old and older, especially young female adolescents,

informing them of the increased risk for contracting HIV/AIDS through sexual contact with older men.

8. Caribbean leaders should advocate that donor nations suspend all foreign debt, except for 10-
15 percent, which should be placed in a special account, managed by CARICOM, for HIV/AIDS remediation and treatment efforts in Caribbean nations. The World Bank and other donor nations should match these funds, which would represent
a new, international source of funding to help in the ght against a vicious killer that differentially attacks nations with slender economic resources.


COnteMpOrArY puBliC pOliCY OptiOns fOr tHe HiV/Aids

epideMiC in tHe CAriBBeAn

Michael Frazier – Howard University; Kurt Robertson – Howard University 




Aarons, D. (1999). Medicine and its alternative: health care priorities in the Caribbean. Hasting Center Report, 29(4):2. Camara, B., et al. (2001). Twenty years of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the Caribbean. Retrieved 22 July 2003,


CARICOM. (2002). The Caribbean regional strategic framework for HIV/AIDS: pan-Caribbean partnership on HIV/AIDS 2002-2006. Retrieved 10 June 2004, from

Congressional Research Services. (2004). HR1298: United States leadership against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria act of 2003. Retrieved 17 July 2003, from

Envoy, P. (2000). Heightening the awareness of HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean. Retrieved 18 July 3003, from

Epstein, Daniel. (2001). Confronting AIDS in the Caribbean: major new efforts underway. Perspectives in Health, 6(1):1-2. Farmer, P. (1999). Infections and inequalities: the modern plagues. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Howe. G., & Cobley, A. (2000). The Caribbean AIDS epidemic. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press.
Human Rights Watch. (2004). Hated to death: homophobia, violence, and Jamaica’s HIV/AIDS epidemic. 16 (6B).

Kelly, M. J. (2002). The AIDS epidemic: why must the education system respond? Paper presented to the University of the West Indies and the Association of Caribbean Universities and Research Institutes.

Lisk, F. (2002). Labor markets and employment implications of HIV/AIDS. Retrieved 19 April 2004, from

PAHO. (2002). 100 framework for the accelerating access initiative in the Caribbean. Retrieved 9 November 2003, from

Richardson, D. (1988). Women and AIDS. New York: Methune, Inc.

Schoub, B. (1999). AIDS and HIV in perspective: a guide to understanding the virus and its consequences. (2nd ed.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

UNAIDS. (1999, December). AIDS Epidemic Update. Geneva: UNAIDS/WHO.
World Bank. (1997). Confronting AIDS. New York: Oxford University Press.
World Bank. (2001). HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean: issues and options. Washington, DC: World Bank.

World Health Organization. (1999). Removing obstacles to healthy development. Report on Infectious Diseases. Geneva: World Health Organization.


COAstAl WetlAnds fOr sustAinABle deVelOpMent: A needs AssessMent And pOliCY AdOptiOn fOr tHe stAte Of lOuisiAnA And tHe repuBliC Of senegAl Christian W. A. Seifert – Southern University; Valerie Fuchs – Michigan Technological University 




The state of Louisiana and the Republic of Senegal are similar in that they both contain large coastal wetlands. Human demand for the products, services, and aesthetics of wetland ecosystems is a growing strain on already-stressed systems. Wetlands are economically and socially important and must be protected by policy. Policy-sharing between Louisi- ana and Senegal can promote sustainable economic development, alleviation of poverty, and protection of natural capital.

Before 1927, the Mississippi River ooded each year, depositing thousands of years of sediment to create Loui- siana’s wetlands. After the Great Flood of 1927, the Army Corps of Engineers dredged the river and built levees up
to 20 feet higher for hundreds of miles. The raised levees stopped the natural cycle of ooding that had provided water, sediment, and nutrients for land-building. Since then, 1,900 square miles of wetland have been lost. “Currently Louisiana has 30% of the total coastal marsh and accounts for 90% of the coastal marsh loss in the lower 48 states” (Dahl 2000). The wetlands are being lost by 25 to 35 square miles per

year (CWWPRA Task Force 1997). Although there are many programs to conserve, preserve, and restore wetlands, studies predict that 500 square miles will be lost in the next 40 years (State of Louisiana OLG & CRT 2004b). Only within the last few decades has science or policy begun to de ne, study, or protect the wetlands.

Wetlands serve important functions to societies in and around them. Economically, they provide sheries, timber
or peat production, land development, and water supply. Environmentally, they offer habitat and biodiversity. They provide society with culture, water quality, and ood reduc- tion. Though wetlands are very adaptable ecosystems, some forces can disrupt them beyond their ability to repair. Natural events include subsidence, hurricanes, large oods, and inva- sive species. Canal construction, pollution, clear-cutting, and overcultivation are some of the ways that humans contribute to their loss.

The state of Louisiana and the Republic of Senegal both have large wetland ecosystems. In Louisiana, they are home

to 2 million people and countless plants, animals, and birds. Their sheries, oil, minerals, and ecotourism contribute to the economy. In West Africa, the Senegalese coast is lined with mangrove wetlands, one of the world’s most produc- tive ecosystems and important breeding grounds for sh and other water creatures. Shrimp cultivation is a primary cause of tropical wetland destruction. Land development for agri- culture, important to Senegal’s economy and the livelihood of its citizens, may also contribute to wetland loss. Senegalese wetlands are sanctuaries for millions of tropical birds (James, Harris & Lyles 2004) and a resource for storm and ood protection, indigenous people, sheries, and water pollution control.

Wetlands function under the three pillars of sustain- ability: environment, society, and economy. In Louisiana and Senegal, the three have many interactions, and public policy is an instrument that ties them together and can ensure that their relationships are positive. For sustainable development, this means making policies to protect the environment from resource overconsumption and society from unpredictable events like destructive storms and economy-forced destruc- tion of indigenous habitat and livelihood. Proposed changes to wetland ecosystems and functions should be considered in terms of sustainable development and the effects they may have on natural, societal, and economic needs. It could be bene cial for Louisiana and Senegal to share their respective knowledge of wetland services and management. This study assesses the needs of each region and proposes policies and knowledge that could be shared.


Before wetlands policy. For centuries, Native American peo- ples called the wetlands of this region home. Their lifestyles were connected with the ecosystem and the natural cycles
of ooding. Wetland encroachment and alteration began with post-Colombian settlement and subsequent agricultural demand. In the 1920s, development of the marsh buggy and seismographic techniques enabled oil prospectors to explore the muddy wetlands for subsurface structures capable of holding oil. The functions and services of the wetlands were not understood at this time, and there were no policies for wetland protection. Wetlands were considered wastelands and only valued when their use was altered or underground

Acknowledgments and Disclaimer: This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0333401. Any opinions, nd- ings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily re ect the views of the National Science Foundation.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

reserves of petroleum and other minerals, such as sulfur and salt, were discovered.

In the 1970s, the rst academic mapping studies identi- ed and measured the severity and causes of coastal land loss in Louisiana. Environmental experts often sought assistance from other sectors, such as transportation, seafood, and landowners, to stress the importance of addressing coastal land loss. As public awareness of a disappearing coast and the need for wetland protection grew, the federal and state governments responded with legislation and public policies.

Federal and state-level wetland management. The primary law for wetland protection in the United States is Section 404 of the Clean Water Act. It has allowed the Army Corps of Engi- neers to establish a permit system to regulate the placement of dredged or lled material on a wetland, and the applicant must show that attempts were made, rst, to avoid wetland impact altogether and, second, to minimize it as much as pos- sible. If impact is made, compensation, called mitigation, is required and involves restoring or creating wetlands.

In 1972, Congress passed the Coastal Zone Management Act (CZMA), which encouraged coastal states to develop management policies that placed a high priority on wetland protection. These policies were required to address permis- sible land uses within the coastal zones that would have a “direct and signi cant impact on coastal waters.” The CZMA was crucial in establishing state programs for coastal zone management, but wetland protection did not necessarily take precedence over economic development; instead, the process of development and land use was simply made more dif cult. In 1990, this act was amended by the Coastal Zone Reau- thorization Amendment Act, which required that each state develop a nonpoint-source pollution control program.

In 1977, President Carter issued two executive orders (11990 and 11988) that speci cally established protection of wetlands, riparian systems, and oodplains as the of cial policy of the federal government. Consequently, all federal agencies were required to review their own policies to con- form to these new orders.

With the promulgation of, and funding from, the 1972 CZMA, the Louisiana legislature authored its state plan, the State and Local Coastal Resources Management Act of 1978 (SLCRMA). It named the Coastal Management Division of the Louisiana Department of Natural Resources (LDNR) as the state’s authority for implementing the Louisiana Coastal Resources Program (LCRP), its coastal zone management plan. LDNR’s Coastal Management Division (CMD), in car- rying out the LCRP as authorized under the SLCRMA, has

implemented a permit process that is similar to that carried out by the Corps of Engineers under Section 404 of the Clean Water Act. CMD works in association with the Corps of Engineers.

Wetland restoration. The loss of Louisiana’s coastal wetlands continued. It was projected that without any ac- tion, roughly “2,400 square miles of Louisiana will be under water within 50 years—a third of the entire Louisiana coast” (LCWCRTF 2005). In 1990, the Coastal Wetlands Planning, Protection, and Restoration Act (CWPPRA) was co-authored by Senator John Breaux and passed by the US Congress. CWPPRA, also called the Breaux Act, provides federal funding for wetland enhancement projects nationwide, with approximately $50 million annually designated for restora- tion work in Louisiana. Louisiana contributes 15 percent of the total costs for each restoration project. Since 1991, “more than 50,000 acres of wetlands have been protected or restored compared with what would have been present” without pro- active efforts funded by CWPPRA (LCWCRTF 2005).

CWPPRA-funded projects are handled by the Breaux Act Task Force, which consists of ve federal agencies—the US Army Corps of Engineers, US Fish and Wildlife Ser-
vice, National Marine Fisheries Service, Natural Resources Conservation Service, and US Environmental Protection Agency—and a state agency responsible for implementation and enforcement, the Louisiana Department of Natural Re- sources’ Coastal Restoration Division. This interagency Task Force formulates and designs projects each year to add to its Priority Project List; quanti es actual gains and losses in state wetland habitat using aerial photography and remote sensing, working to achieve a “no net loss” of wetlands from land use and development; and carries out public education outreach programs. During the rst 13 years of CWPPRA implementa- tion, 147 restoration projects were authorized (LCWCRTF 2004). Without federal and state investment in wetland protection and restoration, Louisiana’s coastal wetlands will disappear along with their socio-economic and environmen- tal functions.

Economic need for wetlands in Louisiana. The coastal marshes are very important to the state’s economy. The loss of these lands could mean displacement for many Louisiana residents and the visitors looking for recreational opportu- nities. Ecotourism in the wetlands brings $220 million to Louisiana annually (State of Louisiana OLG & CRT 2004a).

Other wetland-related industries pour income into the state. Louisiana contains as much as 35 percent of US oil and


COAstAl WetlAnds fOr sustAinABle deVelOpMent: A needs AssessMent And pOliCY AdOptiOn fOr tHe stAte Of lOuisiAnA And tHe repuBliC Of senegAl Christian W. A. Seifert – Southern University; Valerie Fuchs – Michigan Technological University 



natural gas reserves, not including Alaska. Its Department
of Natural Resources leases state lands and waterbottoms to oil and gas companies for $375 million each year (Blackmon 2005). In 1999, the seafood industry supplied $558 million of the $8.7 billion in agricultural industries in the state (LSU AgCenter 2000). Trapping is a revenue source; nutria pelts brought $2.1 million in 1997 (Hallowell 2001). Table 1 sum- marizes the major activities based on Louisiana’s sh, wildlife, and boating resources and their economic contributions in 2003. These resources are actively managed by the Louisiana Department of Wildlife and Fisheries, and “not only contrib- ute to the standard of living and economic health of state residents, they also contribute signi cantly through state tax revenues” (Southwick & Allen 2005).

Table 1.
Economic value of Louisiana’s sheries, wildlife, and boating resources in 2003 

  Retail or Harvest Sales  Total Economic Effect  Jobs Created  Sales & Income Tax Revenues 
Hunting $599 million $1.02 billion 9,475 $31.4 million
Recreational Fishing Nonconsuming Fish & $895 million $1.63 billion 16,999 $59.4 million
Wildlife Recreation $175 million $317.4 million 3,324 $11.7 million
Recreational Boating $1.7 billion $1.93 billion 22,741 $99 million
Commercial Fisheries $294 million* $2.61 billion 29,245 $100 million
Alligator $40 million* $73.9 million 541 $2.4 million
Reptile, Amphibian Collection $1.0 million* $1.2 million 14 $47,300
Fur Harvests $1.6 million* $2.9 million 42 $83,000
TOTAL: $5.1 billion $7.1 billion 77,690 $284.4 million

* These amounts represent the proceeds received by commercial harvesters for their sh, alligator, reptile/amphibian, and fur harvests. Source: Southwick & Allen (2005).




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

Social need for wetlands. For every mile of coastal marsh that a hurricane crosses, its water surge is reduced by about a foot in height (USACE 1999). The marsh protects thousands of miles of roads, railroads, oil and gas pipelines, water pipes, and electric and telephone lines. Without its protection, residents would be forced to relocate or to deal with harsher hurricane destruction. The soil and vegetation in the coastal wetlands absorb oodwater; they act as a sponge that slows and stores the water ow, reducing ood peaks by as much as 60 percent (CWPPRA Task Force 1997).

Louisiana’s rich Cajun culture relies on the wetlands for food and livelihood. Festivals depend on annual cycles of the swamp, like craw sh season, bird migration, and nutria trap- ping (Gomez 1998). Cajun food includes craw sh, oysters, shrimp, crab, cat sh and alligator, and 12 percent of US seafood comes from Louisiana’s coastal wetlands (CWPPRA Task Force 1997). Land loss may cause sheries to decline, resulting in a loss of cultural identity.

Table 2. Net land loss from 1978 to 2000 

Assessment of Louisiana wetlands and impacts on species abun- dance. Louisiana’s coastal wetlands contain 3.4 million acres, or 5,300 square miles, of swamp and marsh (LCWCRTF 2003). As substantial as that may sound, they are disappear- ing at an astonishing rate, 25-35 square miles each year, as the result of three general causes: (1) the human impact, which has left permanent scars; (2) natural destructive forces; and (3) the cessation of natural constructive processes. With the advent of restoration efforts, however, the net effect of these destructive processes has been reduced. Tables 2 and 3 show net land loss trends, both observed and projected, and the reduction in projected annual land loss is drastic. Although projections are by nature unsubstantiated, these land loss reductions are based on expected aggregate land gains from CWPPRA-funded restoration projects.

  1978-1990 Net loss 1990-2000 Net loss 1978-2000 Cumulative loss Annual loss
Total sq mi (Total sq km) 419 (1085) 239 (619) 658 (1704) 29.9 (77.4)

Table 3. Projected net land loss from 2000 to 2050 

Source: Both tables are adapted from Barras, et al. (2004).

  Land in 2000 Land in 2050 Net land loss 2000-2050 % Land loss Annual loss
Total sq mi (Total sq km) 5,851 (15,154) 5,338 (13,825) 513 (1,329) 8.77% 10.26 (26.57)

COAstAl WetlAnds fOr sustAinABle deVelOpMent: A needs AssessMent And pOliCY AdOptiOn fOr tHe stAte Of lOuisiAnA And tHe repuBliC Of senegAl Christian W. A. Seifert – Southern University; Valerie Fuchs – Michigan Technological University 



Many species of ora and fauna that depend on the wetlands for survival are hurt by land loss and helped by its creation and restoration. Migratory waterfowl bene t from land created by Breaux Act projects, while neotropical bird counts have steeply declined as the bald cypress trees in the swamps are cut down or die off (Wilson 2005). Animal spe- cies, such as oysters, are suffering as saltwater moves inland, bringing with it black drum sh, which decimate them. Saltwater kills plants, the detritus of which would usually feed juvenile shrimp, so shrimp also suffer. Invasive (nonnative) species, such as nutria and water hyacinth, are also decimat- ing the native life (Hallowell 2001).


Government structure, politics, and federal system. Senegal has never had a coup d’etat, a sign of the political system’s stability and integrity. In 1997, the government decentralized, distributing signi cant authority to regional assemblies (US Department of State 2005). These political similarities to the United States could make it easier to share wetlands policy knowledge.

Environmental policy. The Ministry of Environment and Nature Protection (MEPN), responsible for creating and implementing environmental policies in government, was established in 1993. Its missions include:

  • a)  protection and effective management of natural reserves and national parks;
  • b)  protection/restoration of soil and precautions for reforestation and bush- re control;
  • c)  prevention of environmental pollution and its harmful effects and provision of environmental impact assessments of development projects; and
  • d)  conservation and extension of sheries and water resources.

Social and economic facts. From 1995 to 2003, Senegal’s GDP grew an average of 5 percent annually, while its popula- tion growth rate declined (CIA World Fact Book 2005), which meant a growth in per capita income, moving Senegal a step closer to the developed world. These economic and demographic data are signs that the country is developing at a stable rate and, with planning, could be in position to work toward sustainable development.

Senegal’s wetlands include the Djoudj Sanctuary surrounding the Senegal River delta, the central coastal mangroves south of Dakar, and other mangroves along the coastline south of The Gambia. These coastal locations make them less susceptible to encroachment or drainage for

agriculture (Dia 1996) but more susceptible to destruction by shrimp aquaculture, ocean wave erosion, and the spread of urban development, since they are near several of Senegal’s larger cities, including Dakar.

Policy-sharing in the international context 

As manifest in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), an international consensus has developed that national systems should become sustainable. One MDG pro- motes global policy for environmental sustainability, in hopes that individual countries will adopt and enforce policies that reverse the loss of environmental resources. Another MDG promotes a global partnership for development. A particular target in achieving this goal is to “make available the bene ts of new technologies, especially information and communica- tions” (UNDP 2000). Such technology and information shar- ing could contribute to international wetland conservation policy. “Industrial countries have an obligation to support the efforts of the developing countries through the ow
not only of private capital, but also of of cial development assistance” (Dell 1991:4). Needs assessment for development is a process that can lead to policy diffusion. The focus of public policy should therefore include the diffusion of sound policy since the need for sustainable development awareness is global.

The Senegalese are now in a position to plan sustainable development through policy collaboration among the Minis- tries of Environment and Nature Protection, Economy and Finance, Education, and others. If the nation manages devel- opment appropriately, with the inclusion of local, regional, and national voices, its standard of living can continue to rise without encroaching on natural resources. Policy innovation for sustainable development may include environmental protection policies, diversi cation of markets, and local com- munity development.

Because of the similarities between Louisiana and Senegal, policy processes and knowledge might be shared
to bene t their communities, economies, and ecosystems. The innovative initiation of a relationship between them would provide the developing and the developed world an example of leadership and progress. While it has not been shown that Senegal is in dire need of wetlands protection or strict environmental regulations, the nation may learn much from Louisiana’s experience in wetlands policy. Louisiana, in turn, could bene t from studying Senegal’s coastal wetlands ecosystem to understand why encroachment and destruction are not as widespread and use that knowledge to devise novel policies to conserve Louisiana coastal wetlands.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 


In conclusion, we have found that the economic, social, and environmental bene ts of wetlands sustained via policy implementation can: (1) help to bring the Millennium Development Goals from the global to the local setting; (2) strengthen Senegal’s capacity to solve its own health and standard-of-living concerns related to implementation of wetland conservation policy; (3) increase stewardship through public empowerment, by hearing not only from experts but also the locals; (4) abate the natural and human causes of wetland degradation; and (5) encourage creation of social and economic capital while protecting natural capital. A needs assessment and policy adoption could bene t the coastal ecosystems, the communities of Senegal and Louisiana, and the economy that depends on a thriving environment.

The larger goal is actually environmental policy dif- fusion, which is vital to global sustainable development. Although this study was limited to Louisiana and Senegal, a similar blueprint may be helpful for other countries, and we plan to look for those with valuable natural capital and with- out protection policies. Speci cally, we will use Geographic Information Systems to locate appropriate wetland habitat, especially near population centers where the risks of human encroachment are high.


COAstAl WetlAnds fOr sustAinABle deVelOpMent: A needs AssessMent And pOliCY AdOptiOn fOr tHe stAte Of lOuisiAnA And tHe repuBliC Of senegAl Christian W. A. Seifert – Southern University; Valerie Fuchs – Michigan Technological University 




Barras, J.; Beville, S.; Britsch, D.; Hartley, S.; Hawes, S.; Johnston, J.; Kemp, P.; Kinler, Q.; Martucci, A.; Porthouse, J.; Reed, D.; Roy, K.; Sapkota, S. & Suhayda, J. (2004, January, revised). Historical and projected coastal Louisiana land changes: 1978-2050: USGS Open File Report 03-334.

Blackmon, B., Sullivan, D., & Vidrine, G. (2005, April). GIS in Louisiana DNR’s leasing of state lands and waterbottoms for petroleum extraction. 21st Annual Louisiana Remote Sensing & GIS Workshop.

CIA World Factbook. (2005). Retrieved April 2005, from

Coastal Wetlands Planning, Protection, and Restoration Act (CWPPRA) Task Force. (1997). Retrieved March 2005, from

Dahl, T.E. (2000). Status and trends of wetlands in the conterminous United States, 1986 to 1997. Washington DC: US Department of the Interior, Fish and Wildlife Service.

Dell, S. (1991). International development policies. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Dia, I. M. (1996). Assessing agricultural suitability of Senegalese landscape using geographic information systems. 

Thesis, Department of Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University. Gomez, G.M. (1998). A wetland biography. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Hallowell, C. (2001). Holding back the sea. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.

James, V., Harris, R., & Lyles, L. (2004). Human social development: wetlands conservation strategies in Louisiana and Senegal. Proposal for the National Science Foundation: Spatial Social Science and Agents of Change. Southern University, Michigan Technological University, and Wetlands International.

Louisiana Coastal Wetlands Conservation and Restoration Task Force (LCWCRTF). (2003). The 2003 evaluation report to the US Congress on the effectiveness of Coastal Wetland Planning, Protection and Restoration Act projects. Baton Rouge: Louisiana Department of Natural Resources.

Louisiana Coastal Wetlands Conservation and Restoration Task Force. (2004). Watermarks, 25.

Louisiana Coastal Wetlands Conservation and Restoration Task Force. (2005). Watermarks, 27.

Louisiana State University AgCenter Communications. (2000). Retrieved April 2005,

Southwick, R., & Allen, T. (2005). The economic bene ts of sheries, wildlife and boating resources in the state of Louisiana. Report prepared for Louisiana Department of Wildlife and Fisheries. Arlington, VA: Southwick Associates.

State of Louisiana, Of ce of the Lieutenant Governor, Department of Culture, Recreation & Tourism. (2004a). Louisiana statewide comprehensive outdoor recreation plan. Baton Rouge: OLG/CRT.

State of Louisiana, Of ce of the Lieutenant Governor, Department of Culture, Recreation & Tourism. (2004b). Roadmap for change. Washington, DC: Marmillion Company Strategic Communications.




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United Nations Development Programme. (2000). Millennium development goals. Retrieved March 2005, from

US Army Corps of Engineers, New Orleans District. (1999). Freshwater diversion. New Orleans: USACE. US Department of State. (2005). Background Notes: Senegal. Retrieved April. 2005,

Wilson, D. (2005). Atchafalaya Basinkeeper. Personal communication with Valerie Fuchs, March 12, 2005.


internAtiOnAl teCHnOlOgY diffusiOn fOr sustAinABle

deVelOpMent: tHe MOntreAl prOtOCOl On suBstAnCes tHAt deplete tHe OZOne lAYer

Thomas D. Eatmon, Jr. – Southern University; Ronald A. Harris – Southern University 




The adoption of technology policy by governments, market-based or not, can be traced to a nonin- cremental innovation. Diffusion models usually describe communication through channels over time and within social systems. A critical mass of early adopters is often necessary for ef cient technologi- cal alternatives to be implemented. Inef cient local equilibria are sustained because of geographical boundaries and barriers to entry into markets. This paper examines existing diffusion channels and the geographical implications of technology transfer. We apply the National Diffusion Model (Berry & Berry 1999) to the Montreal Protocol to determine an ef- fective model for international policy adoption.

The Montreal Protocol (United Nations Environment Programme 2005), an international agreement designed to protect the ozone layer, was signed in 1987 and amended in 1990 and 1992. The 1985 Vienna Convention, which empha- sized the protection of human health and the environment from ozone depletion through international cooperation, established a framework for the protocol’s negotiation. It called for the phase-out of the production and consumption of chloro uorocarbons (CFCs), halons, carbon tetrachloride, and methyl chloroform by 2000 and methyl chloroform by 2005. Research suggests that these compounds could signi – cantly deplete the stratosphere, which shields the Earth from damaging ultraviolet radiation.

The Montreal Protocol has been very successful; 189 countries rati ed it. While developed countries were ex- pected to phase-out substances, such as CFCs, by the rst half of the 1990s and no later than the end of 1995, developing countries were expected to be slower, due to their lack of technological advancement, unless special efforts were made. Consequently, the Multilateral Fund was established in 1998 to assist developing countries with compliance by facilitating technology transfer.

“Our Common Future”, written in 1987, also known as the Bruntland Report, coined the term sustainable develop- ment and identi ed poverty as the main cause of environ- mental degradation. Past research has shown that technol-

ogy diffusion tends to be geographically localized around developed countries since trade diminishes with distance. If environmental goals like those set in the Montreal Protocol are to be met, developing countries across the world will need access to technologies that will bene t health, education, ag- riculture, and business in the short term and have long-term effects on economic and social stability.

We propose that governments must facilitate the diffu- sion of the new technologies, managing the risks through public policy, while enjoying the bene ts. This goal may be accomplished by the introduction of government innova- tions, such as the Multilateral Fund. The pace of public policy innovation must parallel that of technology, if coun- tries around the world are to meet the high expectations associated with sustainable development. This point of view is supported by the fact that the Montreal Protocol has been amended throughout the years in response to technologi-
cal assessments. This approach is consistent with previous research (Ernst 1999), where institutional change is viewed as the driver of diffusion, as opposed to social learning pro- cesses, where institutions are treated as dependent variables (Dalum, Freeman, et al. 1999).

History has shown that technological changes in agricul- ture, pharmaceuticals, energy, manufacturing, and commu- nication have been a powerful tool in human development. In many circumstances today, access to technology is directly proportional to income, but it may still be used as a develop- ment tool, empowering people to reach their goals and to raise their socioeconomic status. The persisting income dis- parities across countries indicate that technology does not dif- fuse automatically. The speed and extent of diffusion depend on the capacities of the receiving countries to absorb the new ideas about how to produce more ef ciently. These capaci- ties, in turn, depend on factors, such as income, education, openness to new ideas, property rights, and cost of access to technology.

Geographic models of innovation con rm that innova- tion that depends on technological infrastructure is measured by university R&D, industrial R&D, related industries, and business services (Feldman & Florida 1994). These rms
and activities usually occur in geographic clusters, creating
an infrastructural nucleus attributed to private researchers’ lack of motivation to release their inventions (Keller 2004).

Acknowledgment and Disclaimer. This paper is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation grant no. 0333401. Any opinions, ndings, conclu- sions, or recommendations expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily re ect the views of the NSF.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

It has also has shown that technology diffusion depends on geographic location of knowledge diffusers and receivers through their contact as well as increased trade links and direct foreign investment (Eaton & Kortum 1996; Keller 2004). Spatial lag models con rm the presence of barriers to technology adoption, forcing technology levels to converge locally (Rezgui, retrieved 2005). However, some critics believe that the Internet revolution will mean the death of distance, forming equity of access across borders (Cairncross 2001).

While technology diffusion may be localized, some determinants can be in uenced by policies to force more equitable access for developed countries outside of techno- logically dense regions. The UNDP Human Development Report (2001) called for global action on four fronts: cre- ation of innovative partnerships; management of intellectual property rights; expanding investment in technologies for development; and providing regional and global institutional support.


Policy innovation research aims to explain the process by which governments adopt new policies. Before the 1990s, researchers used either diffusion models or internal deter- minant models, but more recent models combine the two (Berry and Berry 1999). They can be tested by a technique called event history analysis (Sabatier 1999). Although some work has been done on international diffusion, most has focused on policy-making within the United States.

We applied the National Interaction Model (Berry & Berry 1999) to international adoption of the 1987 Montreal Protocol. It assumes the existence of a national communica- tion network among state of cials regarding public-sector programs (Berry & Berry 1999) and that the states that have adopted a policy interact freely with of cials from states that have not yet adopted a policy. The probability that a state will adopt a new policy then becomes proportional to the number of interactions that of cials have had with of cials who have already adopted a policy. The equation takes the form:

rNt = Nt – Nt -1 = b Nt -1 [L – Nt -1], (1)

whererNt is the proportion of new adopters during period t; Nt is the cumulative proportion of adopters in the social system at the end of period t; Nt -1 is the cumulative propor- tion at the end of the previous period; and L is the propor- tion of potential adopters in the social system. The graph (Figure 1) of potential adopters over time is depicted as an S-shaped curve, beginning at the origin and approaching L.

This functional form may be used to describe the expected low frequency of adoption early in the process, followed by an increase that tapers as the number of potential adopters decreases.

Figure 1: Expected Potential Adopters vs. Time for the National Interaction Model 

Cumulative Adopters


Time (t)

Rearranging algebraic terms, we get the form:

N = (bL + 1)N – N2 (2) t t -1 t -1

This model was estimated with the equation:

N = γ (N ) – β (N2 ), (3) t t -1 t -1

where we assume the coef cient (bL + 1) from Equation 2
is subsumed by γ in Equation 3, and we assume L=1. This model was estimated for the years 1987 through 2005 for 195 countries in the United Nations. Linear regression was used to generate coef cients by suppressing the Y-axis intercept. The resulting coef cients of estimation are:

N = 1.437(N ) – 0.465(N2 ). (4) t t -1 t -1


internAtiOnAl teCHnOlOgY diffusiOn fOr sustAinABle

deVelOpMent: tHe MOntreAl prOtOCOl On suBstAnCes tHAt deplete tHe OZOne lAYer

Thomas D. Eatmon, Jr. – Southern University; Ronald A. Harris – Southern University 



The variance in the regressand Nt explained by the model (R2=0.999) approaches unity. The coef cients (γ, p=0.000), (β, p=0.000) are statistically signi cant. Substi- tuting mean values for the regressors (N =0.7062), N2

=0.5649) yields an estimate for Nt = 0.7521. By holding N2
-1 t -1

= 1.1168. As expected, low values for the lagged dependent variable Nt -1 predict negative policy adoption, while high values for the lagged dependent variable Nt -1 predict posi-
tive policy adoption for Nt. However, the functional form
for policy adoption, expected as an S-shaped curve, was not found. Rather, the functional form of policy adoption shows a positive function whose rate of increase decreases over time (Figure 2). The critical threshold for implementation of the policy change was met earlier than predicted. By 1992, more than half of all countries in the United Nations, whether developed or developing, had adopted the Montreal Protocol. From 1987 to 2005, 189 of the 195 potential countries had adopted it. All 41 of the developed countries rati ed it by 1996, but many developing counties did not adopt it until later. Six countries have yet to adopt it, but, except for Iraq, they are small and inconsequential.


The estimated model is a good t for the Montreal Protocol scenario. Since technology change in less-developed countries will primarily result from their ability to adopt technologies designed and implemented by developed coun- tries and not by their ability to innovate, the results of this research have important implications for future technology policy; for example, for predicting the adoption of interna- tional environmental policies and the future of sustainable development.

Figure 2: Observed Potential Adopters vs. Time for the National Interaction Model 








Time in years 

constant at its mean value (0.5649), we vary Nt -1 at minimum (0.16) and maximum (0.96) values to determine its effect
on Nt. When Nt -1 is entered at the lowest value, then Nt = -0.0328. When Nt -1 is entered at the highest value, then Nt

t -1 t

Value Cumulative Proportion of Adopters at time t 

2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 


Although the National Interaction Model provides a good estimate of international adoption for the Montreal Protocol, its utility is somewhat limited. It assumes that all potential adopters have an equal chance of adopting and only relies on previous adoption as an indicator of future adoption. In addition, it does not account for nonadopters since potential adopters are undifferentiated. For this reason, its utility increases if used on a macro-level to describe the diffusion process of a consumer product in a large society, as- suming random interaction. Since international agreements function on a macro-level, this tool is precisely the one we need to estimate policy adoption on an international scale.

Technology diffusion is hampered by a number of fac- tors. “As research and development are largely associated with developed countries and multinational private enterprises, technology is created in response to market signals and
not the demands of those suffering from poverty” (UNDP 2001). In addition, inadequate intellectual property regimes discourage private investors. Adoption, trade and FDI costs, and complementary domestic factors also form barriers
to diffusion. A public goods market failure as well as the possibility of government failure require the intervention of public policy. Since most research predicts localized diffusion of technology, public policy will have to drive this change. The diffusion of technology in the network age will positively affect countries economically and in human development.

Our model based, on the Montreal Protocol, shows that the National Interaction Model is an adequate means to es- timate international policy diffusion. Future research should focus on the collection of more empirical data to estimate models from international agreements.


internAtiOnAl teCHnOlOgY diffusiOn fOr sustAinABle

deVelOpMent: tHe MOntreAl prOtOCOl On suBstAnCes tHAt deplete tHe OZOne lAYer

Thomas D. Eatmon, Jr. – Southern University; Ronald A. Harris – Southern University 




Berry, F., & Berry, W. D. (1999). Innovation and diffusion models in policy research. In P. A. Sabatier, (Ed.), Theories of the policy process (pp. 169-200). Colorado: Westview Press.

Cairncross, F. (2001). The Death of distance. Boston: Harvard Business School Press.

Dalum, B., Freeman, C., et al. (1999, June). Europe and the ICT revolution. In D. Ernst, How globalization reshapes the geography of innovation systems: Re ections on global production networks in information industries. Paper presented at the DRUID Summer Conference on Innovation Systems.

Eaton, J., & S. Kortum (1996). Trade in ideas: Patenting and productivity in the OECD. Journal of International Economics, 40:251-278.

Ernst, D. (1999, June). How globalization reshapes the geography of innovation systems: Re ections on global production networks in information industries. Paper presented for DRUID Summer Conference on Innovation Systems.

Feldman, M. P., & Florida, R. (1994). The Geographic sources of innovation: Technological infrastructure and product innovation in the United States. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 84, 2:210-229.

Keller, W. (2004). International technology diffusion. Journal of Economic Literature, 42, 3:752-782. Rezgui, S. (2005). Geography, international trade and technological diffusion. Retrieved April 2005,

from le=paperresult&id=316
Sabatier, P. A. (1999). Theories of the policy process. Colorado: Westview Press.
United Nations Development Programme. (2001). Human development report 2001. New York: Oxford University Press.

United Nations Environment Programme. (2005, March). Retrieved 1 May 2005,
from cation/2C_rati cationTable.asp


gOOd gOVernAnCe in AfriCA: A CritiQue Of tHe us MOdel

Camilla Stivers – Maxine Goodman Levin College of Urban Affairs Cleveland State University 




The call for good governance in Africa began after the collapse of communist regimes in Europe. Foreign aid to African countries no longer had to address Cold War imperatives; instead, aid could
be conditioned on the adoption of what donors counted as good-governance practices: a free market, an end to government corruption, and a rights-based democracy that limits popular participation to vot- ing. This paper critiques US performance on several indicators of good governance and calls for a deeper form of democracy in all countries.

The term governance used to be a synonym for statecraft. It implied authoritative action to move societies in produc- tive directions. The state was seen as the primary policy actor, formulating or at least coordinating policy strategies.

In the 1980s, under the in uence of Reaganism and Thatcherism, governance began to mean something much less state-centered and more market-like. Government agencies were criticized as rigid, overbearing bureaucracies. Procurement and hiring rules were seen as “red tape,” sti ing entrepreneurial spirit and effectiveness. The most important article of faith became maximum privatization. Public admin- istration became the business-like public management, judged in terms of results rather than of due process.

Thus, the term governance, which once meant exercise of authority for the common good, was highjacked by an ideol- ogy that sees government as only one institution among many in a free market society. In its role of manager, government is restricted to the functions necessary for the market system to work freely. Government sets clear rules (as few as possible), like a sort of referee at a boxing match. If necessary, it makes “corrective interventions” (World Bank 1992:6). Otherwise, it gets out of the way.

The World Bank notion of good governance re ects
this new understanding. Historically, the bank evidenced little interest in governance, but by the early 1990s, it had concluded that it would have to give more attention to institutional frameworks within which development activities were pursued. “In place of the neoclassical ‘get prices right’ strategy, the approach shifted to ‘get institutions right rst’” (Brinkerhoff & Goldsmith 2005:201).

Clearly, it is not by chance that the World Bank began to sound the call for good governance soon after the collapse of socialist regimes in the Soviet Union and its satellites. During the Cold War, Western foreign aid was driven by the

ideological imperative of blocking the advance of Commu- nism. There was little point, at least in the minds of Western donors, in worrying about good governance in Africa when Soviet cooptation threatened Western in uence there. Once the Cold War ended, the way was opened for conditioning nancial assistance on the willingness of African countries to adopt what donors and lenders considered desirable gover- nance measures (Abrahamsen 2000).

The World Bank’s 1989 report on sub-Saharan Africa proclaimed a “crisis of governance,” by which it meant politicization of the administrative apparatus, “gross lack
of accountability,” the breakdown of judicial systems, and hostility to grassroots organizations and NGOs (60). The ingredients of good governance as de ned elsewhere include: “predictable, open and enlightened policy-making, a bureau- cracy imbued with professional ethos acting in furtherance of the public good, the rule of law, transparent processes, and

a strong civil society participating in public affairs” (Brinker- hoff and Goldsmith 2005:202). In the World Bank view, the point of good governance is to create a supportive environ- ment for a free market economy. Governance is deemed poor when it “cannot readily support a dynamic economy,” so although the bank says “better governance requires political renewal” and “a highly participatory approach,” these demo- cratic steps are only tools for the creation and maintenance of market freedom rather than ends in themselves (World Bank 1989: 60-61).

This good-governance agenda masks the political implica- tions of its economic policies behind a screen of neutral-
ity. The bank is prohibited by its charter from meddling
in politics, so, by de nition, it does not. Good-governance recommendations are offered as purely technical and/or com- monsense steps. However, this perspective is built on the as- sumption that political institutions like free elections support market freedom. It does not acknowledge that the opposite is also true: economic dynamics in uence the operation of the political system. Free and fair elections do not by themselves temper the power of capitalism. If your every waking mo- ment is a struggle for survival, the right to vote may seem an irrelevant luxury, particularly if none of the conditions of your own life improve, no matter who gets elected. Market freedom does not necessarily water the grassroots.

In my view, the dialogue on good governance in Africa, in addition to being deceptively apolitical, has been far too one-sided. The discourse, particularly as practiced by pur- veyors of international aid, has paid little attention to how well donor countries themselves have done. To put good governance in a broader context, I would like to re ect on the




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

case of the United States brie y, to ask whether it is “getting institutions right,” and to point out a few aspects of its experi- ence that may or may not be suggestive for other countries.

Free and fair elections. Although the US belief in the free- dom and fairness of the electoral system is high, voter turn- out in national elections barely tops 50 percent most of the time; even in the hotly contested presidential race of 2004, the turnout was only about 55 percent, which was considered high. Voting rates in state and local elections are much lower. In the two most recent presidential elections, the press report- ed numerous instances of African Americans, other minority group members, and ex-offenders being illegally purged from the voter rolls and turned away from the polls on Election Day. The 2000 election, which was essentially a tie, was set- tled when the Supreme Court stopped the recounting of bal- lots in the state of Florida and handed the election to George W. Bush, contravening both the separation of powers and
the principle of decentralized control enshrined in the US Constitution. A report on the 2004 election recently issued by minority party members of the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee, entitled “Preserving Democracy: What Went Wrong in Ohio?” found “massive and unprecedented voter irregularities and anomalies” in the state. The report uncovered “intentional misconduct and illegal behavior,” much of it involving the state of cial charged with overseeing the election in Ohio, who also happened to be the co-chair of the Ohio Bush-Cheney campaign (Vidal 2005:9). Surely these facts call into question the air of superiority with which US of cials tend to criticize elections in Africa.

Public opinion of government. Public opinion polls regularly report skepticism about government and its. As many as 4 out of 5 Americans believe that tax dollars are spent on the wrong things (King, Stivers, et al. 1998). Only 29 percent trust the federal government to do the right thing all or most of the time. As reasons for their lack of trust, people cite partisan bickering, special-interest in uence, lack of honesty among elected of cials, high taxes, and, of course, waste
and inef ciency. Nearly half of Americans think the federal government is a threat to their personal rights (NPR/Kaiser/ Kennedy School 2000). This state of affairs ts the World Bank’s diagnosis of sub-Saharan Africa: “Too frequently ordi- nary people see government as the source of, not the solution to, their problems” (1989:30).

Corruption. In high places in the bureaucracy, the use of public power for private gain is too common to be dismissed

in the way it often is. For example, Darlene Druyan, once the most powerful woman in the Air Force, steered billions of dollars in contracts to the Boeing Corporation. As the Air Force’s number 2 weapons buyer, Druyan met secretly with Boeing executives “to talk about a job and to protect her daughter, a Boeing employee who had received a poor performance review” (Wayne 2004, October:2). Granted, stories like this do not prove the extent of corruption in the US system; they do—or they should—temper the zeal with which US aid donors rail against corruption in Africa as if such things never happened at home.

Accountability. Serious challenges to accountability are raised by contracting out public responsibilities to private entities. As noted, the presumption now is that whatever can be contracted out, should be. This mentality sometimes leads to riding roughshod over established procurement principles, such as competitive bidding. A 2004 report by the Center for Public Integrity found that more than 40 percent of Pen- tagon contracts are awarded on a no-bid basis. The biggest companies, like Halliburton, once headed by Vice-President Cheney, and Lockheed Martin, are the least likely to have to compete for contracts. Half the military budget is outsourced to contractors, but oversight of these contracts has declined. The Pentagon, which now has some 600,000 contracts, has steadily reduced the number of contract monitors. Center Director Charles Lewis commented that, “No one is moni- toring the monitors. This is a very serious situation, and the Pentagon is treating it like a hair in the soup” (Wayne 2004, September:C1, C6).

Politicizing the Civil Service. Tension between the president and the civil service is a perennial feature of the executive branch, but efforts to get civil servants to toe the correct political line have increased dramatically during the past few years. The best known example is the shaping of the CIA’s intelligence reports to bring them into line with the Bush administration’s desire to invade Iraq. There are others:

When President Bush was pushing the idea of a prescrip- tion drug bene t for the elderly, an analyst in the Depart- ment of Health and Human Services was threatened with losing his job unless he reduced his estimates of what the drug bene t would cost the government. He was ordered to keep quiet; the department gave Congress a lower gure; the bill passed; and only afterward did it become clear that the cost estimate was way too low (Clemetson 2004).

At the Social Security Administration, the associate com- missioner for retirement policy went on a tour of the country


gOOd gOVernAnCe in AfriCA: A CritiQue Of tHe us MOdel

Camilla Stivers – Maxine Goodman Levin College of Urban Affairs Cleveland State University 



with President Bush to promote privatization of the Social Security system. As a New York Times columnist noted, “There was a time when it would have been considered inappropriate for a civil servant to play such a blatantly political role.” The commissioner had been a lobbyist for privatizing the system before he was appointed to his civil service position. There was a time when that also would have been frowned upon (Krugman 2005:A25).

Other examples: employees of the new Department of Homeland Security have been required to sign an agreement that prohibits them from passing on “sensitive but unclassi- ed” information (Wing eld 2004:A18)—a pre-emptive strike against the exercise of professional discretion. At the CIA, shortly after the 2004 election, the director issued a memo warning employees not to say anything in opposition to the administration or its policies.

Grassroots participation and civil society. In the US, civil society has become the destination for a great many social welfare programs off-loaded by government. Based on our study of the nonpro t sector in Cleveland, my colleague Jennifer Alexander and I concluded that the privatization of public responsibilities is not strengthening democracy at the grassroots. Community governing boards and staff are too busy coping with a ood of clients and too worried about losing their funding to speak out on behalf of the poor. The traditional sense of the NGO as a laboratory of democracy has just about vanished in the face of pressure to manage in the professional sense (Alexander & Stivers 2003).

My point is not to engage in a litany of outrageous ac- tions and situations. Rather, I want to make several general- izations based on the US experience and offer a suggestion.

A serious aw in the new understanding of good gover- nance is that political systems are valued only for their ability to create and to maintain the conditions for market freedom. Unfortunately, unfettered markets have never provided poor people with enough resources so that they can stop worry- ing about survival and start wondering how society might be made better for everyone—quite the opposite, in fact. With- out government intervention, free markets lead to increasing disparities in income and wealth, even in a rich country like the United States. Capitalism produces wealth. The question is for whom and with what result?

A second dif culty with the new notion of good governance is that the role of the civil service is reduced to management. In the US, we used to hear that public ad- ministration is not the same thing as business management. Every decision made in the public sector is an exercise of

power, and if government is to be considered legitimate that power had better be used for the public good. Now, everyone in public service is a manager. Managers do not concern themselves with whether the effects of their actions further the public good, only with whether they have “moved the money” (Ferguson 1994:70) and gotten the intended results.

A third problem is that the members of society have been transformed in the new governance from citizens to customers and clients. The distinguishing mark of a citizen is having a share in governing. For all the talk about participa- tion, the only kind that seems to concern proponents of the new governance is the sharing of service costs, which, in the United States, means volunteering or giving money, if you are rich and do not need the service, or paying a fee, if you are poor and do need it. Participation in public decision-making is easily as big an issue in the United States as it is in Africa.

The solution I would like to suggest, one as needed in the United States as in Africa, is to create opportunities and processes that encourage ordinary people to come together
to discuss common problems and share in decision-making or, at the very least, give advice directly to those in authority— advice that cannot safely be ignored. Everyone is an expert on the conditions of his or her own life, and the only way to gain access to that knowledge is to listen, to talk, and to learn. All countries need regular occasions for face-to-face contact, dis- cussion, and deliberation among ordinary citizens and those in authority. Through such interactions, citizens are able to join in governance—that is, in deliberations for the common good, and the accountability of the government to its citizens is made both concrete and practical. Without citizens, the expertise and rules of the bureaucracy are transformed into pure force. The strongest stability is built from the ground up not imposed from the top down. I believe public administra- tors are better positioned to foster these opportunities than anyone else in government. Administrators have the most direct impact on the lives of citizens, and they are, in many ways, closest to daily life.

The good governance perspective has put too much emphasis on economic freedom and not enough on politics. Capitalism is not the same thing as democracy. Public admin- istration in every country should be mindful that in ancient Athens, often cited as an example of democracy, debate in the Assembly began with these words: “What man has good advice to give the polis and wishes to make it known?” Now that is freedom (Finley 1983:139). How can we make it pos- sible in all the countries where it is so much needed?




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 


Abrahamsen, R. (2000). Disciplining democracy: Development discourse and good governance in Africa. London & New York: Zed Books. Alexander, J., & Stivers, C. (2003, November). The effects of welfare reform-related devolution on the political capacity of community-based 

nonpro ts. Paper presented at the ARNOVA annual meeting, Denver, CO.
Brinkerhoff, D., & Goldsmith, A. (2005). Institutional dualism and international development: A revisionist interpretation of good

governance. Administration & Society 37(2):198-224.
Clemetson, L. (2004, March 15). Medicare actuary known for strong beliefs. New York Times. Retrieved 16 January 2005,


Ferguson, J. (1994). The anti-politics machine: “Development,” depoliticization, and bureaucratic power in Lesotho. Minneapolis & London: University of Minnesota Press.

Finley, M. I. (1983). Politics in the ancient world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
King, C., Stivers, C., et al. (1998). Government is us: Public administration in an anti-government era. Thousand Oaks, CA:

Sage Publications.

Krugman, P. (2005, January 18). That magic moment. New York Times, p. A25.

NPR/Kaiser/Kennedy School. (2000). Americans distrust government, but want it to do more. Retrieved 26 May 2005, from

Vidal, G. (2005). Something rotten in Ohio. The Nation 280 (June 27):6-9.

Wayne, L. (2004, September 30). Pentagon spends without bids, a study nds. New York Times, pp. C1, C6.

Wayne, L. (2004, October 8). A growing military contract scandal. New York Times. Retrieved 7 November 2004, from http;//…

Wing eld, B. (2004, November 30). Homeland Security Dept. restricts employees’ actions. New York Times, p. A18. World Bank. (1989). Sub-Saharan Africa: From crisis to sustainable growth. Washington, DC: World Bank.
World Bank. (1992). Governance and development. Washington DC: World Bank.


refrAMing CApACitY – Building in AfriCA: reCOgniZing

tHe iMpOrtAnCe Of street-leVel CiVil serVAnts

Esi Ansah – Rutgers University 




This paper discusses the current trend of capacity building (CB) initiatives in Ghana and Africa at large, taking a closer look at what it is and how it
is carried out in selected agencies that train public personnel. First, it illustrates some de ciencies in current CB initiatives to reform the African civil service/public sector; speci cally, the parochial na- ture of their content, their narrow target audience of senior-level management personnel and consequent neglect of street-level/frontline workers, and the lack of well-de ned mechanisms for knowledge transfer within public agencies. Second, it aims to illuminate the importance of directly involving street-level work- ers in CB programs to improve the quality of the public sector.

In the last few years, the eld of public management has witnessed the growing visibility of capacity building (CB) as a concept in the literature and a strategy to reform the civil ser- vice sector in many developing countries. There is a general acceptance of the term, albeit with little discussion of what exactly it means and how it is translated into the practice of administration and management of the public sector. There are questions that need to be asked in order to re-evaluate, rede ne, and perhaps re-apply the concept more practically.

This paper is a work-in-progress that intends to ac- complish the following: (1) to illustrate some de ciencies in current CB approaches to reforming the African civil service/ public sector; (2) to illuminate the importance of directly involving street-level/frontline workers in CB efforts; and (3) to propose new ways of building the capacity of street-level bureaucrats and higher level personnel to provide ef cient and effective public service. It identi es three main de cien- cies of current CB initiatives: (1) the parochial nature of their content; (2) the narrow target audience of senior-level manage- ment personnel and the consequent neglect of street-level/ frontline workers; and (3) the lack of well-de ned mechanisms for knowledge transfer within public agencies. Through this discussion, the missing component of street-level bureaucrats, as Michael Lipsky (1980) calls them, is restored as a valuable constituency in civil service/sector reform (CSR).

Contextualizing Public Administration and Management in Africa 

It is prudent to brie y examine features that distinguish public administration (PA) in Africa from that in other parts of the world. Due to the limited scope of this paper, these factors cannot be developed or explored at length, but it
is important to mention that they make PA in Africa and, indeed, the larger global south community unlike PA in other countries or regions, cautioning us to be more circumspect in adopting concepts and strategies. Some of the unique features of African PA include:

• External, international pressures and dependencies 

that “beat” African PA into shape (i.e., the misapplication of Western modernization theory and liberal market economy policies in PA);

• Neglect of nonstructural or nonbudgetary issues, 

such as ethnic diversity, motivation, personnel management, ethics, social equity, citizen participation, and quality of service delivery, to name a few;

• Exclusion of the academy;
• Narrow CB focus,
or bias toward senior-level

• Lack of support for research and development; and • Little or no attention to professionalization. 

The Evolution of PA in Africa 

PA in Africa has gone through a slight shift from eco- nomic reform as part of International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank restructuring programs (ERP and SAP1) to
a new emphasis on New Public Management (NPM), which seeks to adopt private-sector models into the public sector, often without proper adaptation to local contexts.2 In the CB context, the NPM philosophy has shaped CB efforts along two key dimensions: content and target audience, which

1The Economic Recovery Program and Structural Adjustment Program were commonly implemented in the 1980s and early 1990s and continue to shape the public sector by placing NPM demands on countries.

2For more information on how NPM reforms have been carried out in developing countries, see Manning 2001; Minogue, et al. 1998; Polidano and Hulme 1999. The idea of a radial transfer of knowledge is a deliberate move away from the usual notion of a vertical or horizontal organizational structure, where the ow of in- formation, knowledge, and other related resources is limited by direction of ow. A radial transference, I would suggest, is preferable because more inclusive. See also Helgeson (1995) on alternatives to the traditional hierarchical organization structure.

Pre-colonial Administration/ Organization

Colonial Administration (Up to 1960s)

Development Administration (1960s – 1980s)

Economic Restructuring/ Civil Svc. Reform (1980s – 1990s)

CSR, NPM – Privatization, Decentralization (1990s –




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will be discussed in subsequent sections. The applicability of NPM-oriented initiatives in the African context has been questioned (Schick 1998; Hood 1991), and the ground for further research on the topic is fertile.

The literature abounds with narratives of the problems in African PA. Some commonly mentioned include a wide gap between theory and practice; lack of funding to develop the civil service; lack of well-quali ed personnel; lack of relevant literature for and by academics; lack of practical training related to curricula (internships/attachments); short- age of teaching staff; and corruption. They were outlined
by many scholars at the 2001 Pan-African Conference of Civil Service Ministers in Namibia and in other forums. In response, CB initiatives have recently become the panacea for many of these problems. It is prudent to examine what the term means and how it is interpreted and adopted in efforts to build or perhaps to rebuild the public service.

De ning Capacity Building 

Capacity building has quickly become a fad in the area of public management and a buzz word in the eld of develop- ment among donors and organizations, training institutes and practitioners. However, there is no consensus on the meaning of the term, and an examination of relevant/related academic literature and professional CB initiatives reveals two strains of conceptualizations with distinct emphases.
In academia, it is conceived of at a macro level as a compre- hensive structural approach to building organizations, and, when translated into practice, it becomes a micro-level reform strategy heavily focused on staff “training.”

In academic circles leaning toward economics and management, CB is de ned in terms of enhancing human capital on a macro or organizational level, with the aim of improving public-sector performance in terms of service delivery. CB thus encompasses efforts to create or to increase knowledge, to restructure processes, and to reshape interac- tions and other mechanisms within the organization in order to enhance its capacity to deliver services and ful ll its raison d’être. Polidano and Hulme (1999) de ne CB as “expanding the range of functions which an organization can carry out effectively on a sustained basis” (124). This broad context approach is also adopted by many international organizations engaged in the “CB enterprise.”

In the professional domain, CB often introduces the notion of increasing civil servants’ potential to successfully perform their roles/functions in the organization. The focus is on training, through programs and workshops aimed at increasing knowledge and enhancing the capacity of the civil

service workforce to perform the functions required of it. This bias toward training is re ected in the plethora of knowl- edge-building initiatives set up for civil servants, especially at the higher levels of management. Edward Jaycox (1993), vice- president of the World Bank’s Africa Region, spoke about CB in an address at the African-American Institute, echoing what CB has come to mean in professional circles—training. He said, “in every loan, every credit, every operation, there should be a heavy training component …” (my emphasis), and this is the general idea behind CB efforts: training of senior- level staff.

Two of their notable de ciencies are in content and tar- get biases. They are found in the domestic Ghanaian context as well as the larger African context.

Content. The content of CB training initiatives focuses largely on donor requirements and programs established by external nancial institutions and donor agencies, including the World Bank and the IMF. Thus, many CB efforts may be tilted toward decentralization and retrenchment, privatiza- tion, and contracting and, more recently, performance man- agement and improvement. Though they are all important, the xation on them and the consequent neglect of other salient issues is problematic.

Target audience. Ironically, this ambiguous and uid concept also has a xed and rigid target audience: senior-level managers. Many workshops, seminars, conferences, and train- ing sessions are organized as part of CB efforts, and a general trend is the almost exclusive participation of senior-level management. Often, senior-level employees are trained and involved in new initiatives, with the expectation or assump- tion that the knowledge and skills gained will trickle down to the rest of the employees in the agency, through a few either formal or informal arrangements, and ultimately improve performance and service delivery. Unfortunately, this trickle- down transference rarely happens because few mechanisms are designed to aid the process. Instead, the street-level or frontline workers who actually administer policies and deal with citizen-clients on a daily basis are excluded and thus
not equipped to make progressive changes. It is important to recognize that the development of the civil servant’s potential must be done with certain considerations—there must be properly and carefully outlined mechanisms through which the knowledge gained will be transferred and applied for the bene t of the organization at large.


refrAMing CApACitY – Building in AfriCA: reCOgniZing

tHe iMpOrtAnCe Of street-leVel CiVil serVAnts

Esi Ansah – Rutgers University 



Illustrations of Biases in Capacity Building Efforts 

In Ghana, institutions that train civil servants include the Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administra- tion (GIMPA), the Management Development and Produc- tivity Institute (MDPI), the Institute for Local Government Studies (ILGS), and the Civil Service [ICT] Training Center (CSTC). An examination of their literature illustrates the key point about CB efforts: most training programs offered tend to focus on helping participants to understand and to imple- ment new policy directives from external sources.

The ILGS curricula reveals a Weber-oriented selection of training issues, such as contracting in public-private partner- ships, environmental/natural resource management, decen- tralization, and, on a more micro level, payroll and reward management, recruitment, grievance policies, and commu- nication within the organizational hierarchy. There is little

or no mention of service delivery, work ethic, customer care, and other salient issues. The target group also tends to be managers at the district level, including the District Coordi- nating Directors (DCDs), District Planning Of cers (DPOs), and other managers. For the 2003 scal year, “15 programs were organized under functional programs and informal sector support for District Functionaries…. The traditional target groups (DCDs, DFOs, DBOs, and DCOs) remain the main bene ciaries of the Institute’s programmes, although new target groups—District Environmental Health Of cers and Administrative Of cers Class II A and B, Secretaries and Executive Of cers—were added.”

The MDPI and GIMPA’s programs focus on executive- level civil servants, to the neglect of lower-level civil servants. Management, as their names suggest, is the main focus, with a diversion from other dimensions of administration, which is re ected in the focus of their courses and training work- shops. An additional review of documents published by the Public Services Commission, including District Handbooks, re ects the same trend.

In a broader African context, institutions that train pub- lic servants share these features—problems, as I see them. An examination of training curricula by the Eastern and South- ern African Management Institute (ESAMI) also re ects the problem. To its credit, ESAMI workshops have more diverse content, including standards of service and service delivery in addition to previously mentioned themes. However, the tar- get group is once again very narrow: “heads of civil services, permanent secretaries/principal secretaries, senior of cials managing public service. Participants are expected to have direct responsibility for reform, policy advocacy, formulation and implementation in the public sector” (ESAMI 2001). The

United Nations Online Network in Public Administration and Finance (UNPAN) and the Centre Africain de Forma- tion et de Recherche Administratives pour le Développement (CAFRAD; African Training and Research Center in Admin- istration for Development) are other training institutions that focus on the civil service. They re ect the same problems, and examples of some of their target audiences include directors-general and heads and ministers of civil services. One recent example was the 6-8 June 2005 Ministerial Con- ference on Leadership Capacity Building for Decentralized Governance and Poverty Reduction for Sub-Saharan Africa.

The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) is another laudable effort to improve the capacity of African resources to produce an ef cient and effective public sector. Its international workshop, held in Harare in April 2004, focused on performance measurement, a re ection of NPM philosophy, in the public sector, and the ACBF has yet to give any attention to frontline workers.

If CB’s goal is to equip the public sector to deliver services ef ciently and effectively, then it is as relevant to the senior-level bureaucrat or execucrat as it is to the street-level bureaucrat. It is prudent to examine who these street-level civil servants are and their role and contributions in the civil service.

Street-level bureaucrats 

The traditional approach to policymaking and policy implementation, targets appointed political executives and senior-level civil servants without recognizing the reality
that the actual implementation is left to the jurisdiction of what Michael Lipsky (1980) calls “street-level bureaucrats.” He describes them as “public service workers who interact directly with citizens in the course of their jobs, and who have substantial discretion in the execution of their work” (3). He suggests that street-level bureaucrats have a wide area of “discretion” and actually become the people who make policy choices through recon guring what is handed down to them for implementation. The importance of street-level bureaucrats cannot be overestimated. As shown in the lit- erature and through empirical research (Lipsky 1980; Crook 2002; Weatherly & Lipsky 1975), street-level bureaucrats are essentially the representatives of government on the ground and act as the liaisons between citizens and the government. The way that they interpret and apply policies shapes not just the understanding of policies by both civil servants and citi- zens but the actual implementation, tailored to suit speci c contexts with either negative of positive implications.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

Of cials, such as passport and license of cers, traf c control of cers, ministerial employees, public school teachers, and the police force, to name a few, all shape what comes to be known as public policy. A trip to any government of ce would show frontline workers using their discretion to make and remake policy by choosing how and to whom resources should be allocated and who should have access rst. This discretionary bureaucratic power must be properly channeled for the bene t of the public sector, or it may be channeled into nepotism and patronage or usurped by politicians and private contractors (Crook & Ayee 2002). These groups must be given a place of visibility and must be recognized as key factors in the public sector’s effort to be responsive, ef cient, and effective in accomplishing its missions.

The gure below illustrates these points. The training bias toward senior-level employees in CB is illustrated in the model on the left and shows a weak or broken link between those who are trained and the rest of the organization, espe- cially the frontline workers who have the most interaction

The Status Quo 

with citizens and other stakeholders in society. The assump- tion is that knowledge gained will trickle down to the rest of the organization, but with no explicit mechanisms in place, this trickling down may not happen.

The proposed model (on the right) is more inclusive, equipping employees with the necessary skills and knowledge through human resource development (HRD). Street-level personnel are prioritized, and unlike the previous model, there are speci c mechanisms (indicated by solid lines) for sharing knowledge with the rest of the organization, and this sharing process is radial, not unidirectional. Relevant train- ing is conducted for the different groups in the organization, and this knowledge is shared. If and when this kind of CB
is pursued, especially when aligned with the organization’s mission and vision, other bene ts will accrue, such as articu- lating and building an organizational culture that values its various functions.

Proposed Model 


Contemporary Capacity – Building (Training) Efforts 


Senior/Executive Level Personnel

Human Resource Development (HRD) Efforts 


Mid-Level Personnel (new focus)

Senior Level Personnel

Street-level personnel (new focus)

Mid-Level Personnel

Street-Level Personnel

Citizens & Other Stakeholders in Society

Citizens & Other Stakeholders in Society


refrAMing CApACitY – Building in AfriCA: reCOgniZing

tHe iMpOrtAnCe Of street-leVel CiVil serVAnts

Esi Ansah – Rutgers University 



Recommendations and Conclusion 

  • Re-evaluation of management-oriented capacity building approaches and initiatives;
  • Elevation of the importance of street-level bureaucrats/frontline workers, especially in professionalization efforts;
  • Renewed focus on previously neglected nonstructural issues;
  • Internal human resource development;
  • Rede nition of the role of the human resource
  • Training of HR managers as trainers and facilitators
    of training;
  • Building an organizational culture; and
  • Clearly de ned, radial knowledge-transfer
    mechanisms within organizations.
    Although I suggest that CB is conceptualized and applied in a problematic way, I do acknowledge the impor- tance of what it attempts to accomplish. I am advocating the position that the management-bias in CB efforts must be ad- dressed and street-level civil servants included in the public- sector performance improvement equation. There is the need for a renewed focus on what it means to build capacity in the profession of PA and to move beyond constraining training- oriented reforms that target management only.
    Because many lower-level civil servants enter the sector with little prior experience or sincere interest in serving the public—frankly, many apply after other attempts to enter ca- reer areas fail—they are ill-equipped to deal with citizens and to serve effectively. The training offered to these entry-level employees, if any, is scant, and resources must be redirected to equipping and retaining them. Many of the efforts to develop human resources have been in the private sector, although the public sector engages more citizens in the gover- nance equation; whether they like it or not, they have to deal with some aspect of government one way or the other, which makes it even more crucial to design ways to develop human capital for the public sector.
    The role of the public-sector human resource manager must also be clari ed. Managers must make a transition from enforcing rules and regulations, recruiting and managing the payroll, to a more valuative role that builds organizational culture, trains or organizes training for employees in relevant job areas, and helps them to become conscientious in deliver- ing not only ef cient but effective services to the public. The HR manager thus moves beyond “managing” personnel to “developing” them.

I would also advocate a renewed focus on developing clearly de ned, viable mechanisms for knowledge transfer within public agencies, especially as it pertains to improving organizational performance. Public agencies must not only begin to pay attention to frontline workers, but when they equip employees with new skills and knowledge, they must have well laid-out plans for how that knowledge is going to be shared with the rest of the organization; there must be an organizational plan for how the knowledge and skills gained can meander radially through the organization at large.

Many scholars have lamented the failures and weaknesses of PA in Africa, offering some theoretical—and sometimes impractical—solutions. Others have lamented but refrained from prescribing any remedies, and hardly any mention is made of professionalizing PA and collaborating with train- ing institutions (Bongyu 2002; Okoli 1980; Mutahaba, et al. 1993). Academics might gather data on phenomena or prac- tices used in public agencies, organize that information into
a useful resource for carrying out administrative tasks and for other agencies. The public sector provides a social laboratory for academics to generate and to test knowledge, while it can also pro t from academic ndings.

If we can balance this crucial relationship properly, then perhaps we can begin to train administrators at the college level and encourage the production and reproduction of knowledge, boosting the progress of PA in Africa. There is some consensus on the incompatibility of Western models of PA and local African contexts (Mhone 2003; Heady 1998; Okoli 1980). PA scholars must be challenged to replace the old, ill-suited paradigms and strategies with fresh, new ones that will link theory and practice to enhance local public- sector performance. If the aim of CB initiatives is to equip human resources to implement policy, deliver services, and perform other functions ef ciently and effectively, then the focus must be shifted to the ground-level implementers and redesigners of policy—street-level bureaucrats—in a variety of local contexts.




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 


Ayee, J. (2001, February). Renovated pedagogical methods and curricula in the training institutes of public administration in Africa. Paper presented at the 3rd Pan-African Conference of Ministers of Civil Service, Windhoek, Namibia. Retrieved 29 July 2005, from

Ayeni, V. (2001, February). Capacity-building of institutes of public administration: lessons of experience. Paper presented at the 3rd Pan-African Conference of Ministers of Civil Service, Windhoek, Namibia. Retrieved 29 July 2005,

Bongyu, G. (2002). Creating a positive administrative environment: a prerequisite for the development of Africa. Paper written for the United Nations Online Network in Public Administration and Finance (UNPAN). Retrieved 29 July 2005,
from groups/public/documents/CAFRAD/UNPAN008009.pdf

Crook, R., & Ayee, J. (2002, November). Urban service partnerships, ‘street level bureaucrats’ and environmental sanitation in Kumasi and Accra, Ghana: Coping with organisational change in the public bureaucracy. Prepared and presented at the “Making Services Work for Poor People” World Development Report (WDR) 2003/2004 Workshop, Oxford, UK. Retrieved 29 July 2005, from

ESAMI (2001). ESAMI management development programs: policy analysis and public sector management programs. Arusha, Tanzania: ESAMI Printing Press.

Heady, F. (1998). Comparative and international public administration: building intellectual bridges. Public Administration Review, 58 (1):32-39.

Helgesen, S. (1995). The Web of inclusion. New York: Doubleday.
Hood, C. (1991). A Public management for all seasons? Public Administration, 69 (1):3-19. ILGS (2003). ILGS Annual Report. Accra, Ghana: Saara Ventures.

Jaycox, E.V.K. (1993, May). Capacity building: The missing link in African development. Address delivered at the African-American Institute Conference on African Capacity-Building: Effective and Enduring Partnerships, Reston, VA, USA. Retrieved 29 July 2005, from$ le/1993%20 Jaycox%20 speech%20on%20CB%20in%20Africa.pdf

Lipsky, M. (1980). Street-level bureaucracy: The dilemmas of individuals in public services. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Manning, N. (2001). The Legacy of the new public management in developing countries. International Review of Administrative 

Sciences, 67 (2):297-312.

Mhone, G. (2003). The Challenges of governance, public sector reform and public administration In Africa: Some Research Issues. DPMN (Development Policy Management Network) Bulletin: Special Issue. 10, (3). Retrieved 29 July 2005,

Minogue, M., Policano, C., & Hulme, D. (Eds.). (1998). Beyond the new public management: Ideas and practices in governance. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishers.


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tHe iMpOrtAnCe Of street-leVel CiVil serVAnts

Esi Ansah – Rutgers University 



Mutahaba, G., Mutahaba, Baguma, G., & Halfani, M. (1993). Vitalizing African public administration for recovery and development. West Hartford, CT: Kumarian Press.

Okoli, F. (1980). The Dilemma of premature bureaucratization in the new states of Africa: the case of Nigeria. African Studies Review, 23 (2):1-16.

Polidano, C., & Hulme, D. (1999). Public management reform in developing countries: issues and outcomes. International Journal of Research and Theory, 1, (1):121-132.

Schick, A. (1998). Why most developing countries should not try New Zealand reforms. World Bank Research Observer, 13 (1):123-131. UNPAN/CAFRAD (online) training programme for capacity building in public sector reform and management in Sierra Leone in

01/03. Retrieved 29 July 2005, from

Weatherly, R., & Lipsky, M. (1977). Street-level bureaucrats and institutional innovation: Implementing special education reform. Harvard Educational Review, 47:171-197.


us puBliC MAnAgeMent fOr eXpOrt: CAVeAt eMptOr –

An AnAlYsis Of VAlues And underlYing AssuMptiOns

Jennifer Alexander – Maxine Goodman Levin College of Urban Affairs Cleveland State University 




This article examines underlying values of public management and public service and their appli- cability for “transition societies”, those nations in the process of achieving democratic governments (O’Donnel & Schmitter 1991). The limitation of public management is that it provides no norma- tive foundation for governance or democracy. In contrast, the new public service presupposes an administrative ethic of public service, some degree of community engagement in civic issues, and a posi- tive perception of government. The solution to the limitations of public management can be found in the American philosophy of positivism, a method- ology that holds promise for generating not only new, effective practices consistent with the needs of African nations but also theories of public adminis- tration suited to transition societies.

The following paper is a thoughtful examination of the challenge of transferring public- management processes from the United States to African nations, or what O’Donnel
and Schmitter (1991) refer to as “transition societies”, those nations in the process of achieving democratic governments. I begin by outlining the values and assumptions that inhere in public management as well as the stream of US public administration known as the “new public service.” After ex- ploring these two approaches and what they offer, I turn to a brief discussion of pragmatism and how, as a methodology, it holds promise for generating not only new practices but new theories of public administration uniquely suited to transi- tion societies.

The body of work we know as public administration in the United States began during the Progressive Era, which was a period of economic, political, and social turbulence. Prior to the 1880s, the United States had very little gov- ernment administration, nor did it need one. During the Progressive Era, administrative services developed in response to rapid urbanization, a massive in ux of immigrants, wide- spread government corruption at both the local and national levels, and rapid technological change. An administrative arm of the state was needed to provide services, build infra- structure, and make democracy work. Public administration evolved in the United States to face many of the challenges developing nations face today, and the best of what was learned may have some value and transferability.

An essay by US President Woodrow Wilson was probably the rst appeal for a study of comparative administration.
He argued that we should borrow knowledge from Germany and France to learn how to make our government work. He offered an analogy: if we see a murderous fellow sharpen-
ing his knife, we may copy his sharpening skills without the murderous intent. He meant that the techniques of admin- istration are neutral, and we can adapt them to our political system without investing in their original purposes. What
we discovered within fty short years was that the tools were not as neutral as we believed (Waldo 1948/1984). In fact, we grafted onto our political system a model of public adminis- tration adapted to the centralized bureaucratic structures of European nations, which turned out to be a poor t for our highly decentralized system of shared power.

So the rst lesson I offer from our 125 years of experi- ence is that, for all our efforts to generate a neutral science of administration, what we have is neither neutral nor scien- ti c but very much a re ection of our political, economic, and cultural history. This lesson is not a surprise, given the experience of African nations. The World Bank, the Interna- tional Monetary Fund, and a number of donor agencies have followed the same logic in their attempts to build the public institutions and economies of developing nations, importing models of economic development, governance, and, most recently, theories regarding civil society from Western indus- trialized societies.

With the acknowledgment that what appears bene cial may be a poor t and deserves careful scrutiny, then, I put forward the assumptions behind theories of public admin- istration and management in the hope that they may hold practical value for nations seeking to strengthen and to improve the administrative arm of the state.

Public Management: Strengths and limitations 

First, I would say that the very title of this group, the International Conference on Public Management, identi es the dominant stream of thought in American public admin- istration and the larger global movement we know as the new public management. Public management refers to a cluster of ideas that seek to introduce private-sector techniques into the public and nonpro t sectors in order to improve government performance and statecraft. It assumes that management is a generic practice that can be imported into all organizational forms for their betterment and that free-market competition is a valuable strategy for improving all organizational perfor- mance (Kaboolian 1998).




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

Public management offers a popular alternative to our traditional model of public administration, which suffered from the worst shortcomings of bureaucracy—it was imper- sonal, slow, oppressive, and rigid (Hummel 1998). In con- trast, public management promises a smaller, more responsive administrative arm. As in traditional public administration, administrators are attentive to the means of achieving politi- cally determined ends. They are expected to be innovative and entrepreneurial in identifying how political goals may

be achieved as ef ciently and effectively as possible. The focus of training, therefore, is on generating competence in key management skills, such as budgeting, human resources, strategic planning, and accounting. Government effectiveness is evaluated based on performance, and citizens are regarded as customers. The strengths of this approach are its emphasis on the development of administrative expertise or skill that is essential for effective governance in any system; it is attentive to ef ciency in the achievement of established goals, and it seeks to win people’s support for government and adminis- tration through ef cient and responsive service delivery by people who have expertise.

The challenges of a public-management approach are, rst, that the model is drawn from business and econom-
ics and provides no politically derived framework or value structure to guide administrative behavior. The state is supposed to create and to sustain a supportive environment for the market. In fact, I would argue that we could teach public- management techniques to administrators in a system of apartheid, and it would generate no value con ict. Herein lies the problem. In transitional governments bent on becom- ing stable democracies, administrators have political respon- sibilities to create conditions under which citizens and public servants can join in deliberation about the problems they confront (King & Stivers 1998). Administrators foster democ- racy when they help citizens to articulate their interests, form strong communities, and translate that information into the policy dialogue. Accordingly, the core management value of ef ciency must be counterbalanced and occasionally overrid- den by political values, such as individual rights, equity, and representation.

Second, public management has its roots in classical liberalism and economic theory, so it makes certain as- sumptions about human beings; speci cally, that people are rational, self-interested, pragmatic, and prioritize individual- ity over their social role. Policy driven by these assumptions will support a market-based logic of survival-of-the- ttest, achieved through competition and individualism, over tradi- tional values that sustain communities. These values present

a signi cant challenge to assumptions in an African context, where a community’s responsibilities and rights are priori- tized over the individual’s.

Virtually every nation today is suffering from the rapid changes and disruption brought on by globalization; one of the often cited effects is hyper-individualism. This individual- ism is particularly pernicious in an African context because community and kinship ties, which have been the foundation of survival, are falling away without any support system to take their place. The new public management, as an approach to government administration, may accelerate these trends.

New Public Service 

The countervailing stream of thought in US public administration is known as the new public service. It has been a part of the American experience since the founding of our nation and the Federalist debates with Anti-Federalists about how to best create a strong and stable democracy. The Anti- Federalists argued that an active citizenry, strong communi- ties that shape individuals, and accessible, decentralized gov- ernment would create a stable government that people would trust. This theme was echoed during the Progressive Era in the Settlement House movement, when men and women moved into urban neighborhoods to live with the poor and to provide necessary services. These early public administra- tors focused on citizenship and community; they wanted to learn the causes of urban problems and poverty rsthand.

Recent attention to a public-service approach is a re- sponse to the loss of community and a need to build “mediat- ing institutions” that enable citizens to come together and to formulate ideas about their needs that can inform the policy dialogue. In Botswana, I experienced this sense of commu- nity at village gatherings, or Kgotla, where people congregated to resolve community problems. The central government left chiefs the authority to resolve local disputes, making govern- ment accessible to the people.

The new public service is a long-standing approach
to public administration that developed to support strong democracy, civil society, and democratic citizenship. Admin- istration is regarded as an inherently political activity in that administrators identify ends as well as means in collaboration with individual citizens or citizen groups. Administrators seek to build strong linkages with communities to help them ar- ticulate shared interests. Rather than functioning as experts, administrators share leadership and seek to identify solutions in collaboration with communities, recognizing that citizens are the experts on their own lives. This approach requires the administrative skill to function as a negotiator and facilitator,


us puBliC MAnAgeMent fOr eXpOrt: CAVeAt eMptOr –

An AnAlYsis Of VAlues And underlYing AssuMptiOns

Jennifer Alexander – Maxine Goodman Levin College of Urban Affairs Cleveland State University 



building coalitions and brokering interests between groups to meet what the community regards as its overall interests (Denhardt & Denhardt 2000). It requires that administra- tors hold and demonstrate an ethic of public service and an awareness of history. US political heritage ideally mandates that the values that guide administrators include the core values of the state: individual freedoms and rights, equality, and representation.

The new public-service approach to public adminis- tration fosters a sense of citizenship and civil society, the elements that comprise the bedrock of any democracy. Civil servants exercise political discretion, identifying ends as well as means of state action in concert with citizenry. The new public service holds potential for transition societies and Af- rican nations in particular because they are still formulating the idea of citizenship as a social and political membership that transcends ethnicity.

However, administrative behavior re ects the political system of which it is a part. Citizens and citizen administra- tors’ virtue and engagement re ect knowledge about, and positive evaluation of, government and politics (Gimpel, et al. 2000). Colonial and postcolonial governments, in the main, have not been instruments of the people but more often predatory and exploitative (Landell-Mills 1992). Nor have citizens developed strong national identities. “Citizenship as
a principle imposes obligations on the ruled . . . to respect the legitimacy of choices made by deliberation among equals” (O’Donnel & Schmitter in Adebanwi 2004:7). Hence, the creation of an active citizenry and political engagement may prove not only dif cult but unwanted.

In order to be effective, the service approach to public administration requires the political support of elected of- cials and an ethic of community service or civic virtue that encourages administrators to consider themselves “citizen administrators.” If the civil service does not hold this ethic or holds an ethic of graft and corruption, the approach may not be a logical alternative.

What these approaches offer in the context of transitional governments in Africa 

In the US, these streams of thought are regarded as im- miscible. Public servants are working for strong democracy by building strong linkages with citizens and seeking shared solu- tions, or public managers are neutral experts, implementing policy with a focus on ef ciency and effectiveness, and using their entrepreneurial skills to reduce the size of government. However, both share the idea of a civil servant less controlled and encumbered by hierarchy than in the past, who aims

to create a more nimble government that is responsive to citizens/customers.

What do these two approaches offer to the challenges
of the public sector in transitional societies? First, based on recent reports, African nations must build strong public insti- tutions. Donor institutions, such as the World Bank, which previously focused on a market-based approach, intended to reduce the role of government, have recently reversed their stance and recognized that without strong state institutions, these governments will not be able to respond adequately to needs for security, economic growth, and human develop- ment. More than one- fth of all Africans live in countries af- fected by con icts; in nations not at war, crime and violence generated by refugees and poverty can drain government and economic resources (Harsch 2000). The public sector must invest in public goods, such as infrastructure, health, and educational services, that will support economic growth, which is enormously expensive. “Better health and education are vital public goods that governments must guarantee if their economies are to become more productive and competi- tive” (Harsh 2000).

In service to institution-building, the new public manage- ment brings expertise in key administrative skills; the values of competence, ef ciency, and effectiveness; and an entre- preneurial spirit that seeks creative solutions. One example from the favelas in Brazil recounts the experience of a mayor, who had the problem of garbage and no budget for public works. He offered residents a bottle of milk or a loaf of bread in exchange for bags of garbage, and within short order, the problem was resolved. Public of cials employed a similar reso- lution to the problem of garbage in the bay, paying shermen for retrieving garbage from the waters.

The danger in this approach is its antistatist perspective. When attention should be paid to building strong institu- tions, the market-based approach converts citizens to custom- ers. It regards as logical charging user-fees for health care and education, when shifting the costs to people least able to pay simply deters use of critical services (Harsch 2000) and long- term human development.

The new public service, with its focus on building civil society and citizenship by creating collaborative relation- ships between administration and community groups, offers the opportunity to generate government administration

and institutions attuned to community traditions and the structures of indigenous societies (Landell-Mills 1992:545). In an earlier example, I noted that the national government of Botswana left local Tswana chiefs the authority to adjudicate local disputes and citizens with the right to choose either the




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

traditional or new government when seeking resolution. By supporting an approach to public administration that allows citizen participation, “the design and operational practices of public institutions can become consonant with the social values of the society in which they are imbedded” (Landell- Mills 1992:546).

African nations today confront terri c disruption and social change as the commercialism and hyper-individualism that accompany globalization dislodge communal values. Public-administration approaches that collaboratively gener- ate solutions to community problems have the potential
to support traditional values and practices and slow social disruption. If nations can cultivate an ethic of community service among administrators, they will build not only a sense of citizenship but more effective public policy because it
will re ect “cultural concepts and practices familiar to those directly involved “ (Landell-Mills 1992: 547).


Not until the late 19th century did the United States set about the task of developing an administrative arm of govern- ment. We had nearly one hundred, largely isolated years to mature as a democracy and to develop a national identity as citizens prior to developing any sophisticated administrative apparatus. More than public service or public management, an American philosophy born at this time of turbulence
and change may be of use to administrative practitioners in transition societies today. It is a way of exploring what works when we seek to resolve a problem that emphasizes direct experience and the knowledge generated from that experi- ence. Pragmatism has evolved and acquired a number of de nitions, but, most simply, it is a philosophical movement premised on the belief that individuals must act continuously and experimentally to discover knowledge. Pragmatism is a tolerant approach that allows us to draw on a variety of other theories, philosophies, and bases of knowledge. All are tools that can inform administrative action.

As a public-administration method, pragmatism moves away from the idea of expertise and one best way. Rather than relying on one particular theory, truth, or tradition, ad- ministrators respond to the current context, using on a multi- tude of sources and experiences to inform practice. Instead of building a body of theory to guide practice, pragmatism uses the practice of public administration to build theory.

Instead of readily applying US public-administration practices that re ect the culture and norms of Western societies to transition nations, pragmatism allows us to sort through the various theories about what will work—new pub-

lic management, new public service, indigenous institutional norms, and cultural practices—to discern a course of action. As a philosophy, pragmatism supports the idea that we learn from expertise as well as experimentation. As an inherently practical approach, it encourages administrators to let what works generate knowledge and inform practice.

Pragmatism is consistent with the new public service in that it fosters strong democracy and collaborative problem- solving. The administrator as expert contributes by “discover- ing the facts and presenting the alternatives” to citizens and communities (Evans 2000:313). Decisions that will affect lives and livelihoods belong to those who might be affected. If we miss the mark, then experimentation begins anew.


When we set out to create a science of public admin- istration, Americans borrowed from Europeans, found
their programs a poor t with our system, and progressively developed theories of public administration and management that re ect our political, economic, and social values. In this essay, I have drawn attention to the underlying values of our two dominant streams of thought about how to run a govern- ment. I have introduced readers to a promising methodology that encourages experimentation and practical generation
of knowledge. Pragmatism encourages public administrators to sort through the variety of theoretical and community- generated approaches and to engage in experimentation and inquiry to generate their own solutions to state-building. Instead of offering one best way, the practice of public ad- ministration can be built from a variety of knowledge sources that government administrators nd practically suited to their needs. By taking a pragmatic approach to the practice
of administration, administrators and scholars in transitional democracies are highly likely to generate their own theories of administration.


us puBliC MAnAgeMent fOr eXpOrt: CAVeAt eMptOr –

An AnAlYsis Of VAlues And underlYing AssuMptiOns

Jennifer Alexander – Maxine Goodman Levin College of Urban Affairs Cleveland State University 




Adebanwi, W. (2004, July). Contesting exclusion: The dilemmas of citizenship in Nigeria. Paper presented at the Sixth International Conference of the International Society for Third Sector Research, Toronto, Canada.

Denhardt, R. B., & Denhardt, J. V. (2000). The new public service: Serving rather than steering. Public Administration Review, 60, (6):549-569.

Evans, K. G. (2000). Reclaiming John Dewey: Democracy, inquiry, pragmatism and public management. Administration & Society, 32(3):329-354.

Gimpel, J., Lay, J. C., & Schuknect, J. E. (2003). Cultivating democracy: Civic environments and political socialization in America. Washington, DC: Brookings.

Harsh, E. (2000). Can Africa claim the 21st century? Africa Recovery, 14 (3):20-25.

Hummel, R. (1998). International Encyclopedia of Public Policy and Administration, 1:307.

Kaboolian, L. (1998). The new public management: Challenging the boundaries of the management vs. administration debate. Public Administration Review, 58:189-193.

King, C., & Stivers, C. (1998). Government is us: Public administration in an anti-government era. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.

Landell-Mills, P. (1992). Governance, cultural change and empowerment. Journal of Modern African Studies, 30 (4):543-567.

O’Donnell, G., & Schmitter, P. (1991). Transitions and authoritarian rule: Tentative conclusions about uncertain democracies. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Stivers, C. (2002). Bureau men, settlement women, studies in government and public policy. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press. Waldo, D. (1984). The administrative state. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers. (Original work published 1948). Wilson, W. (1887). The study of administration, Political Science Quarterly, 197- 222.


COnsOrtiuM fOr internAtiOnAl MAnAgeMent, pOliCY And

deVelOpMent (CiMpAd): Our MissiOn, HistOrY, And WAY fOrWArd

Harvey L. White – University of Pittsburgh, CIMPAD General Chair 1997-2005 



Conference Closing Session Address 

Principles guiding struggles for freedom and justice here and in other parts of the world are rhetorically, substantively, and humanistically inclusive. As Frantz Fanon points out in The Wretched of the Earth (1963), “Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, ful ll it or betray it.” This statement is true for both humans and the organiza- tions they create. It certainly has been true for CIMPAD, which has, out of relative obscurity, discovered the promise that exists in collaborative partnerships and spent the past ten years seeking to ful ll it.

From a relatively obscure 1995 meeting in South Africa’s Northwest Province, a consensus among the participants in a capacity-building project emerged to build linkages between South African, American, and other public-service profession- als. This consensus was subsequently embraced by a variety of individuals, organizations, and institutions in Africa and the United States, resulting in the partnerships that now make up the Consortium for International Management, Policy, and Development.

Building partnerships that promote good governance and sustainable development continues to as serve the Con- sortium’s mission. Partnerships that support effective man- agement, better health, con ict resolution, and peace and security have been addressed at each conference. Consider- able attention has also been paid to economic development. The speci c objective is to foster partnerships to help improve peoples’ lives. Moreover, CIMPAD’s mission embraces the concepts and practices of “people-centered development”, which seeks to empower people to help develop their com- munities sustainably.

These people-centered concepts and practices, while culturally sensitive, are premised on scienti c conclusions that humankind, regardless of race, is 99 percent the same. Those of us who organized this conference, in general, agree that our humanness makes us aware of our oneness. Indeed, the struggles we have experienced—as Africans, African Americans, and other nationalities—re ect our aspirations to improve conditions for all human beings.

“An injury to one is an injury to all.” Motto of the International Workers of the World

“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” Martin Luther King, Jr.

The organizers of this conference realized very early in our collaborative efforts that good governance and sustain- able development are universal public goods to be pursued.

Thus, the collaborative partnerships formed to pursue CIMPAD’s mission have been diverse and inclusive. Through them and the research and committed efforts they engender, CIMPAD is working to provide a new set of people-centered resources for achieving sustainable development that are germane to all communities.

This convening marks the tenth year of collective work. It also represents my tenth year and end of my term as the General Chair of the Consortium. Although brief histori- cally, the activities and experiences that are products of these African conferences on Public Management, Policy, and De- velopment constitute a rich legacy of learning, collaboration, and, hopefully, inspiration for a new generation of leaders who will carry on the work that has been started.

History: from struggle to construction 

The international conferences on Public Management Policy and Development Administration and the Consortium that sponsors them were precipitated by the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. However, their postapartheid focus is on the construction of new realities for the oppressed and dispossessed. The oppressive apartheid system, in a strange way, inspired public-service professionals in various countries on several continents to collaboratively seek the construction of more effective paradigms for delivering public services and achieving sustainable development.

During the January 1994 meeting at the University of Bophutatswana (now the University of the Northwest), men- tioned above, the Conference of Minority Public Administra- tors (COMPA) was asked to facilitate new linkages. COMPA of cials made contact with numerous public-service organiza- tions and invited them to become part of this initiative. The response was very positive, and planning started in 1995 for an international conference in South Africa.

The rst planning meeting was held at Southern Uni- versity in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. In addition to the nine American public-service institutions and organizations, rep- resentatives from Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Mali, Morocco, and South Africa were also present. Subsequent planning meetings were held in Washington, DC, and Pittsburgh in the United States, and Pretoria, Durban, and Capetown in South Africa. A decision was made to hold a conference in Johannesburg in the summer of 1997.

Highlights of previous conferences. The theme of the First International Conference, convened 4-7 August 1997 in Johannesburg, was “Transforming and Revitalizing Public Management and Development through Institutional Capac- ity- Building and Governance: A Program for Action.” More




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

than 150 individuals, representing 11 African countries, Great Britain, India, and the United States, participated in panel and workshop sessions. Keynote speakers included Dr. Mapule Frances Ramashala, a member of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission; Dr. Joan S. Wallace, former US Assistant Secretary for Agriculture; Mr. Harold R. Sims, former Vice-President of Corporate Affairs for Johnson and Johnson, Inc.; Dr. Sibusiso Vil-Nkomo, Director of the University of Pretoria School of Public Management and Administration and Member of the Republic of South Africa Public Service Commission; and Professor Sylvester Murray of Cleveland State University and former President of the American Society for Public Administration and the Interna- tional City and County Managers Association.

Even though the rst conference was conceived as a one- time event, organizers and participants immediately realized the far-reaching advantages of continuing this international endeavor. A decision was made to hold a biennial conference in an African capital city, with future plans to hold confer- ences in countries outside of Africa, including the Caribbean islands.

The Second International Conference was convened 24-
28 July 1999 in Accra, Ghana. The theme was “Improving Government Performance in Development: An International Dialogue.” African and American participants were joined
by Caribbean and Canadian public-service professionals.
The conference featured meetings, panel discussions, and presentations addressing innovative management and de- velopment activities in the areas of budgeting, port manage- ment, civil-service reform, and privatization. The desire to develop productive linkages with local communities and to provide support for indigenous organizations was signi cantly advanced during the Ghana Conference. Resources for vil- lage school activities and subsequent collaborations with the Ghana Public Service Commission and the Ghana Institute for Management and Public Administration are sustainable outcomes of the Second African Conference. Other signi – cant conference activities included a meeting with Ghana’s First Lady and members of her First December Movement as well as postconference visits to historical sites, such as slave castles and the W.E.B. Dubois Centre.

The Third International Conference convened in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 3-6 June 2001. The program included four days of academic, cultural, and social activities. These diverse activities included presentations from renowned scholars, keynote addresses from Ethiopian government and UN rep- resentatives, an array of cultural exchanges, and diplomatic and public-service receptions. The conference was convened

with keynote addresses from Ethiopian President Dr. Negasso Gidada and Deputy Executive Secretary of the UN Economic Commission for Africa Ms. Lalla Ben Barka. Addresses were also given by Dr. Alemayehu Hailermariam, Commissioner of the Ethiopian Federal Civil Service; and Mr. James Nxumalo, Director of the Development Management Division of the UN Economic Commission for Africa. The quantity and di- versity of participants signi cantly enhanced the conference. Nearly 400 public-service professionals from more than 40 institutions and 10 countries were in attendance. In addi- tion to representation from the United States and Ethiopia, delegations came from the European Union, India, China, Nigeria, Kenya, Morocco, Mozambique, Mali, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Nigeria, and several other African countries. Insti- tutionally, 19 US universities, governmental agencies, and not-for-pro t organizations were represented. More than 30 Ethiopian universities, government, and nongovernmental organizations, representing most regions of their country, had participants at the conference.

The Fourth International Conference convened in Maputo, Mozambique, 20-24 July 2003. Mozambican public-service professionals from the highest levels of government par- ticipated. More than 1,000 individuals from 21 African, North American, South America and European countries, representing more than 100 institutions and organizations, engaged in an array of scholarly, professional, and cultural activities, supported by more than 30 cosponsors. Keynote addresses were delivered by His Excellency Dr. Alberto Chissano, President of Mozambique and President of the African Union; Dr. Pascoal Mocumbi, Prime Minister of the Republic of Mozambique; Dr. Graca Machel, former First Lady of Mozambique and South Africa and Chancellor of the University of the Cape; Dr. Leonardo Simao, Mozam- bique Minister of Foreign Affairs and Corporation; Dr. Lidia Brito, Mozambique Minister of Higher Education, Science, and Technology; and the Honorable Sharon P. Wilkinson, US Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique. Conference participants also included 3 UN of cials; 5 Mozambique cabi- net ministers; parliamentarians from Mozambique, Uganda, and Rwanda; ambassadors from Europe and Latin America; university presidents and chancellors form the United States, South Africa, and Mozambique; and numerous academics and other public-service professionals.

This 2005 Senegal Conference has had a similar array of distinguished participants.


COnsOrtiuM fOr internAtiOnAl MAnAgeMent, pOliCY And

deVelOpMent (CiMpAd): Our MissiOn, HistOrY, And WAY fOrWArd

Harvey L. White – University of Pittsburgh, CIMPAD General Chair 1997-2005 



Conference Closing Session Address 

CIMPAD: an idea whose time has come 

As Fred Hampton, a revered leader who was killed during the struggle by African Americans to gain their civil rights, noted: “You can kill a revolutionary, but you cannot kill a revolution. You can jail a liberation ghter, but you cannot jail liberation.” The point he was making and the point many before and after him have made is that an idea whose time has come is a powerful thing. This timeliness is one of the essential points we make about the Consortium for International Management, Policy, and Development. As the highlights of the previous four conferences indicate, CIMPAD is an idea whose time has come. CIMPAD and the conferences it convenes are ideas that originate from the gestation of African seeds that are subsequently planted and nurtured around the world.

We made the point at our rst conference in South Af- rica in 1997 and at later conferences in Ghana, Ethiopia, and Mozambique: “This conference is the product of an African vision.” I feel fortunate to have been selected to carry the vision across the Atlantic. African men and women, however, generated the ideas for developing this biennial international conference and have been collaborative partners in planning and convening each meeting. While I have served as the Gen- eral Chair since the inception of CIMPAD, it is important for all to understand—those of us here today and those who may become involved with our efforts in the future—that not only was Harvey White not the genesis for this conference, he is also not the substance that sustains it. Many on both sides of the Atlantic and other parts of the world have contributed to the ve conferences we have convened here on the conti- nent of Africa.

These conferences and the work they facilitate continue to be a powerful idea whose time has come. The time has also come for us to select new leaders. As I announced in Mozambique, the culmination of this Senegal meeting will constitute the end of my tenure as General Chair. That seat is now vacant, but the Consortium that convenes us is very strong. It is strong because of the powerful vision that guides it. CIMPAD is strong because of the hard work that nurtures it, and the Consortium is strong because of the partnerships that sustain it. It has developed into a forestial resource for effective management, good governance, better health, con- ict resolution, and peace and security for Africa and other regions of the world.

What of the future? Using CIMPAD as a resource for development 

In my closing remarks for each of the previous four conferences, I have used an agro-forestry allegory to describe the mission and development of CIMPAD. The forest is also an appropriate allegory for our consideration today.

During the closing of the First Conference in Johannes- burg, I noted that efforts to support our colleagues in South Africa planted seeds for constructive collaboration extending throughout Africa and abroad. Conference participants were encouraged to water and feed the seeds so that they might germinate and grow. Although a modest beginning, it was noted, “The seeds of collaboration planted have within them the potential to develop into major resources for achieving sustainable development.”

“The seeds sown in South Africa have sprouted and become vibrant young seedlings” was the emphasis in the closing session of the Second Conference in Accra. Although strong and starting to reach for the sky, participants were told, “the ideas, the vision and the mission these seedlings constitute still need nurturing and support to reach fruition.”

It was exclaimed during the closing session in Addis Ababa, “the seedlings have become young trees that must be pruned and fed a rich diet of new ideas to ourish.” Indeed, during our Third Conference in Ethiopia the vision for CIMPAD became clearer, the mission more focused, and its structure better de ned. The possibilities for CIMPAD also became more obvious. The vision was expanded to embrace a more eclectic approach to sustainable development, represent- ing a multisectorial orientation. Mission- related objectives fo- cused on developing relationships with government agencies, universities, institutes, and not-for-pro t organizations that train and employ individuals in development management and policy. The Host Steering Committee structure used to plan and to implement the Ethiopian Conference has also become the model for subsequent meetings.

As proclaimed at the Fourth Conference in Mozam- bique, “The young trees have developed into a mature forest with localized ecosystems that are enriching the lives of communities in Africa and abroad.” The pre-South Africa Seminars and the post-African Executive Of cers Network meetings were new and exciting CIMPAD endeavors. Trees in the CIMPAD forest, it was also noted, “would very soon pro- vide resources for building homes and communities, which, in turn, can serve as the foundation for developing nations.”

CIMPAD has become an allegorical forest with many resources that developed from the seeds planted more than ten years ago in South Africa. It continues to be nourished




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

by the ideas, vision, and efforts of those who seek to promote good governance and sustainable development. Although CIMPAD developed from African seeds, it has been nurtured by a diversity of ideas, which makes it even stronger.

Yes, the seeds planted in South Africa have become mature trees; they are producing fruit. The seeds from this fruit have developed into young trees. The young trees need space to grow. Other organisms are also becoming a part of CIMPAD, making it an ecological system of ideas and efforts for enhancing governance and achieving sustainable develop- ment.

Thus, we have a dilemma: old and young trees exist in the forest, both needing more space to grow. What must we do? For the forest to be sustainable, some of the old trees must be harvested. We must make room in CIMPAD for emerging leaders, new ideas, and new avenues to advance the organization’s mission. Making room in the forest for other trees will further strengthen CIMPAD.

The old trees must be taken from the forest. However, we should not feel sorry them. They are ful lling their destiny. They were planted and nurtured for this day—to be harvested! They shall be used to build homes and furniture for those homes so that families will have shelter and comfort. Thus

it is with CIMPAD. Some of us who have been in leadership positions will move on to lead other organizations. We leave because the time has come for us to make room for others. The time has come for us to become building materials that can help provide shelter and support for the next generation that must lead.

As my term as General Chair of the Consortium for International Management, Policy, and Development comes to an end, I look back with a sense of accomplishment. The time and effort invested have produced rewarding personal and professional dividends for me. More important, I look forward to the future with excitement because the ideas, vision, and mission the new leadership brings to the Con- sortium will enable it to be a far greater resource for good governance and sustainable development than was possible during my term in of ce. Please give the new leadership the same level of support you gave me. The Chair is vacant, but it will soon be lled because CIMPAD continues to be a power- ful idea whose time has come.

In closing, please accept my deepest gratitude for allow- ing me to serve in this capacity. These have been ten of best years of my life. Thank you, and may God’s blessings con- tinue to be upon you.


MeMOries Of MAli



…meeting our guide, Mamadi, at the airport in Bamako. He immediately established himself as cordial, charming, patient, incredibly organized, and ef cient. He made our visit to Mali a delight.

… ying into the Aeroport de Tombouctou on Mali Air Express during a dust storm that reminded me of my life in southern New Mexico. Because of this providential storm, which blocked the full force of the summer Saharan sun, the temperature was only about 107 degrees Fahrenheit, instead of the 130 typical of mid-June.

…being met and escorted by the intrepid, enterprising, and charming young Mohamed, my companion for the day, who spoke four languages, pointed me in the direction of some
of the best artisans, and found me a CD of Boubacar Traoré, known to everyone in Mali as Kar Kar, whose beautiful songs evoke his country in a moment.

…visiting the local mosque in Timbuktu, the only one non- Moslems were allowed to enter, with a local Tuareg guide, informative, thoughtful, and regal in his royal blue robe and turban.

…visiting the famed center in Timbuktu for the preservation of ancient documents, which we were allowed to view. A
few were brought out especially for us to see. On the outside wall of the center was written in French: “The salt comes from the north, the gold comes from the south, the money comes from the country of the whites, but the word of God, the holy things, the beautiful tales, one only nds them in Tombouctou.”

…watching my more intrepid colleagues, a few complete with turbans, mount their camels and take off into the Sahara for a two-hour ride.

…dinner on the rooftop terrace at the hotel in Timbuktu, with an expansive view of the town. The power went off brie y, and the hotel manager came rushing up to assure us that he had been in contact with the manager of the power plant, and the power would be back on within 40 minutes. It was.

…waking in the middle of the night to utter blackness and memorable heat. In my stupor, I thought, someone has put me in an oven and is baking me. Once I thought to draw open the curtain, I saw that the dark outside was lighter than inside. Again, the power came back on within an hour.

….stopping at a Fulani village outside Mopti, where villagers came out to meet us. The Fulani are herders, and there were lots of cattle being driven along nearby. The children cluster around my colleague Edna’s digital camera to see the picture she had just taken of them.

…arriving in Mopti, a shing town on the banks of the great river Niger, for lunch on a parapet overlooking the river with the panorama of river life spread out on all sides: pirogues (the local shing boats) painted with bright designs; people sorting their catch, washing their clothes, bathing, swim- ming…We were served the local specialty, capitaine, a large sh common in the river, utterly fresh, cooked over a wood re, and served on skewers with huge bowls of rice, vegeta- bles, and other goodies, maybe the best lunch I’ve ever had.

…taking a boat across the river to a village of the Bobo, the shing people of Mali. We toured with the village elders and an enthusiastic cluster of children. Our colleague Dana orga- nized the children and led them in an Ohio State cheer. The Bobo children yelled “Beat Michigan!” with great enthusiasm.

…the stop in Djenne, with its world-famous mosque, the larg- est adobe building in the world, completely surrounded on Mondays by one of the biggest markets in West Africa. The only frustration was not being able to get back far enough to see the mosque as a whole, but it was balanced by the kalei- doscope of color and sound of the market itself, the heaps

of many-colored fabrics, jewelry, and the many necessities of daily life.

…driving along on the great plain of the Sahel, the transition zone between the desert and the tropics, seeing graceful trees that seem as equally spaced as if a gardener had planned it.

…visiting a village on the site of the former capital of the great 17th–18th century Empire of Segou, a most beautiful place, with adobe buildings spread along the banks of the river beneath giant trees…

….exploring the Women’s Cooperative in Segou, with its many artistic wares…

…back in the capital city of Bamako for a tour of the world- class art museum, where Malian artistry is shown to have roots that go back centuries. An intricately woven blue-and- cream tapestry many hundreds of years old was made by the people who preceded the Dogon, who now live along a great escarpment not too far from Djenne. A magni cent white




Fifth International Conference on Public Management, Policy and Development 

wedding robe, to be worn by the groom, is adorned with very ne embroidery that the sign says took more than three years to complete. We see statues of grave and digni ed Dogon couples and have lunch in the museum café, with typical Malian dishes, including an okra stew.

…on our last day in Mali, we drive to the top of the highest hill to see the sweeping panorama of Bamako, stretched out along the Niger river.

All in all, Mali is one of the most interesting and moving trips I’ve ever taken. In the months since, I’ve thought about the unfailing cordiality, patience, and helpfulness of everyone we met…about how art and music pervade life in Mali…about the beauty of the countryside and the adobe architecture… about the less visible parts of life in Mali, including poverty, high rates of infectious illness, and the daunting challenges that face countries poised at the interface between modernity and tradition. I think about the Malians who died in a series of res in Paris, the dangers of their overcrowded buildings, ignored by authorities even after the rst blazes made the hazard clear. I think about the fact that Mali is one of Africa’s most unquestionable democracies, and wonder why rich coun- tries like the US, who profess to care about democracy, don’t do more to nourish the growth of this emerging ower. I will continue to think of Mali and to thank Mali for the bountiful gifts it gives, even to those who pay it the briefest of visits.

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Fifth International Conference on Public Management,
Policy and Development

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Global Challenges and Opportunities: 

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